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No

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No / The usefulness of technical analysis, or charting, has been questioned because it flies in the face of the ‘random walk’ and tests present conflicting results. We examine chartists’ decision-making techniques and derive a taxonomy of charting strategies based on investors’ market ontologies and calculative strategies. This distinguishes between trend-seekers and pattern-seekers, and trading as a system or an art. We argue that interpretative activity plays a more important role than previously thought and suggest that charting’s main appeal for users lies in its power as a heuristic device regardless of its effectiveness at generating returns.

No description available.

Immigration has become one of the most contentious issues in Europe. Following the war in Syria, an unprecedented number of people have crossed the external borders of the European Union (EU) to claim asylum in one of the member states. Sweden is one of the member states that has received the highest number of refugees per capita, and in 2014 and 2015 Sweden received the highest number of refugees since the Balkan wars. This thesis seeks to argue that there has been a securitization of asylum seekers and refugees, particularly those of Muslim origins, in Sweden the result of which has been that refugees and asylum seekers are increasingly viewed and described in terms of security rather than in humanitarian terms in public discourse. The securitised discourse presents Sweden as being at risk of a system failure and collapse due to the high number of refugees and asylum seekers and the pressure they put on the Swedish society and welfare system. While characterizing forced migration as a security issue and a potential threat have negative implications for asylum seekers and refugees, as this thesis aims to show there is also a hidden risk of this securitization of refugees and asylum in its impact on the resident population. Lack of security, actual or perceived, can for example lead to anxiety and fear, and to the feeling of being under threat. In relation to the arrival of asylum seekers and refugees, this fear could potentially contribute to a rise in xenophobia, nationalistic tendencies and policies, and perhaps even racism. As such, fear is a risk that must be taken into account.

Informed by particular theories of migration and of new global migrations as problematic European states, pulled by both exclusionary particularist and inclusionary universalist tensions, have taken increasing measures to restrict access to ‘unwanted’ forced migrants to their territories and welfare states. To these ends governments have devised welfare policies for forced migrants which are simultaneously mechanisms of deterrence and internal immigration control, in tension with their obligations to protect refugees. These are systems of ‘Welfare as Control’. 1990s UK legislation has increasingly eroded and separated asylum seekers’ social rights, culminating in the “qualitative leap” (Cohen, 2001) of the 1999 Immigration and Asylum Act (IAA), which introduced a separate and inferior welfare ‘safety net’ for asylum seekers, explicitly designed to control their migration externally and internally. These legislations have implicated welfare and social care workers in implementing welfare fraught with tensions of control. In their 1999 IAA New Labour extended this to utilise voluntary sector agencies to implement key sections of the deterrent ‘safety net.’ An intensive ethnographic case study grounded in critical realism was undertaken with a voluntary sector organisation in this contradictory positioning of delivering Welfare as Control, as a Reception Assistant for the Home Office’s National Asylum Support Service (NASS). Using observation and gathering insider accounts and documents over eight months in 2002-2003, the ethnography explored the lived experiences, practices and understandings of service providers and people seeking asylum, in this everyday world at Refugee Arrivals Project. The setting resonated with tensions, dilemmas and compromises. RAP’s autonomy was constrained by NASS’ chaos, bureaucratic dominance and imperative to restrict and control access to welfare, compromising the organisation’s ability to address clients’ often ‘complex and multiple’ needs. Asylum seekers experienced “anormalised” (Geddes, 2001) lives, loss of autonomy and dignity in Reception, feeling they were “hanging” out of control in multiple uncertainties, with those the safety net was designed to protect, often least protected. Although RAP used their discretion and ethical urges to increase the “informal gain” and fill the gaps of social rights in practice, (Morris, 2002), their integrity was threatened. This research contributes to a new ‘Sociology of Forced Migration’ (Castles, 2003) and has implications for all voluntary and public sector agencies and workers embroiled in delivering ‘Third Way’ policy generally, but specifically Welfare as Control.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

Yes

This thesis asks why the Australian Labor Party was opposed to the policy of offshore detention for unauthorized maritime arrivals from 2002 to 2008, when they ended it, only to bring it back a few years later in 2011? The Australian Labor Party, the major left-wing party in Australia, campaigned against offshore detention as being antithetical to Australia's liberal values, which proclaimed human rights as an Australian value. After winning the 2007 federal election the policy of offshore detention was ended. By 2009, the Australian Labor Party changed its position on the issue going into the 2010 federal election. In 2011, the Australian Labor Party announced that it was looking to bring back offshore detention. The explanation for this change I find is that the Australian Labor Party wanted to hold political power. As the minority party the Australian Labor Party used the policy of offshore detention for unauthorized maritime arrivals to attack the Liberal-National Coalition-controlled government as being a financial waste and cruelly inhumane. After ending the policy, the rates of unauthorized maritime arrivals increased drastically, creating pressure on the Australian Labor Party to find a solution or risk losing control of the Australian government, which it did in 2011. / Master of Arts / This thesis asks why the Australian Labor Party was opposed to the policy of offshore detention for unauthorized maritime arrivals from 2002 to 2008, when they ended it, only to bring it back a few years later in 2011? The explanation for this change I find is that the Australian Labor Party wanted to hold political power. As the minority party the Australian Labor Party used the policy of offshore detention for unauthorized maritime arrivals to attack the Liberal-National Coalition-controlled government as being a financial waste and cruelly inhumane. After ending the policy, the rates of unauthorized maritime arrivals increased drastically, creating pressure on the Australian Labor Party to find a solution or risk losing control of the Australian government, which it did in 2011.