<p>The main aim of this work is to discover gender differences in value orientation of today's youth, and to analyze developmental changes and ethnicity in terms of the same. The research is based on the assumption that a person’s gender identity influences his or her value orientation, thus gender stereotypes are adopted also on the level of what is preferred by the individual, or seen as important in life.</p><p>In the research participated 118 young people from the Gymnasium in Subotica. The data about gender identity and value orientation was collected by a questionnaire, which was created in favour of this research. In the first part the questionnaire offered a list of gender related traits in order to define the participant’s gender identity. The second part was a list of opposite values, which was adopted from Jensen’s research.</p><p>The results confirm the general findings of Jensen and reveal that there is significant gender effect present in adolescent’s value orientation in case of eight opposite values. It also highlights that age difference between the participants doesn’t contribute significantly to a higher or lower visible gender difference in value orientation, but conversely it shows that ethnic difference is an important factor in it.</p>

The aim of this paper is to examine Serbia’s democratic consolidation in the judiciary and public and state administration, as well as the  role of European Union and EU conditionality in this process. This paper discusses the democratic consolidation in the judiciary and public and state administration of Serbia between the years 2000 and 2010, the role of the EU in this process, and the effects of EU conditionality in these two areas. The theories applied are Linz’s theory of inter-relating arenas of consolidated democracies, and Whitehead’s international dimensions of democratisation. This paper is based on the method of qualitative study and through extensive reading and research, it has come to the conclusion that the judiciary and public and state administration between 2000 and 2010 have seen some improvement. However, democratic progress has been very slow due to remains from Slobodan Milosevic’s regime and communism. The EU, as one of the major actors in the region, has through various projects, agreements, cooperation, and conditionality, brought about improvements in the judiciary and public and state administration. Yet, EU involvement and conditionality have not had great democratic effects; they have been significantly slowed down by inefficiency, low professionalism and corruption.

Special Issue on Institution Design for Conflict Resolution and Negotiation : Theory and Praxis (February 1-2, 2014, Nagoya, Japan)

Thesis (M. Div.)--St. Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-77).

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): John Leslie, Stephen Garrett. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-79). Also available online.

There are many unanswered questions in the genus Sempervivum (Crassulaceae family). One of them is Sempervivum kindingeri from Macedonia. This species has not been revised yet since then he was found and described. In the last few years were published new floristic reports from the territory of Macedonia and Serbia and these reports indicate that discovered species belong to Sempervivum kindingeri. During 2012 and 2013 were some of the localities revised successfully and the live plants for research were collected there. Collected plants have been cultivated in comparative culture and afterwards they were used for morphometrical and karyological analysis. It was found that trichomes on the upper side of the leaf is the most important feature which allows to determine the species identity. Based on the obtained data it was found that plants descended from the high mountains of Macedonia and Serbia are probably a different taxon from S. kindingeri plants grown in culture.

During the last two decades, the Fair Trade literature has constantly questioned the basic theoretical assumptions of dominant economic orthodoxies and the Fairtrade system has challenged mainstream businesses with its market successes. In the heart of this rapidly growing system is its general modus operandi stating, firstly, that all low-income, lower-middle-income and upper-middle-income economies (i.e. developing countries) are welcomed to join as countries where Fairtrade products are produced in primary production, traded and consumed. Secondly, that the high-income economies (i.e. developed countries) are the countries where Fairtrade products are traded (or processed in secondary production) and consumed. However, the Fairtrade system's practice is inconsistent with its internal normative and operational bases in the case of nine European upper-middle income economies, which are allowed to have Fairtrade traders (or processors in secondary production) and consumers, however, their poor and marginalised small-scale producers are forbidden from entering the Fairtrade system as primary producers. Therefore, they are under a direct threat of becoming double-losers, potentially excluded from both non-Fairtrade and Fairtrade economy. This inconsistency is important because the greater integration of all upper-middle-income economies may in practice be another step towards the creation of a more global Fairtrade system. In this envisioned state, firstly, the poor and marginalised small-scale producers and workers from nine excluded upper-middle-income economies will gain a new perspective to develop and thrive, by being included in the Fairtrade system. Secondly, more poor and marginalised small-scale producers and workers from other countries of the world will gain additional and stronger access to new markets in these nine upper-middle-income economies once they are fully included. One of these "producer-excluded" upper-middle-income economies - Serbia, and its full Fairtrade potentials, which have never been fully on the Fair Trade radar before, will be in the focus of my doctoral research. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The aim of this paper is to answer the question how the possible entrance of Serbia into EU fits into definition of national interest on the Serbian political scene. First, the theoretical formulation of the concept "national interest" is laid out. The second chapter includes description of fundamental foreign and political issues, which had to be solved after the fall of the previous regime. The third chapter characterizes current Serbian political system and programmes of main political parties. The fourth chapter compares official goals of the government with public opinion polls as regards the entrance of Serbia into EU. The second part of the paper is dedicated to description of particular steps of Serbia towards full membership and respective attitudes of political parties.

The theme of this thesis is position of Kosovo in international relations. Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia in February 2008 and belongs to the failed states. In this thesis I will examine the main causes of the dysfunction of Kosovo, and how it is reflected in Kosovo current position.

This dissertation focuses on Serbian veterans of the post-Yugoslav wars and their attempts to secure symbolic and material recognition from the state after losing a series of wars. My main goal is to examine some of the main features of Serbia’s welfare system and to explore the ways in which war veterans negotiated their entitlements and secured access to social care. On a different level, I analyse Serbia’s transformation from a socialist society to a free market economy – a process in which a large part of the veteran population seems to have been caught in the middle, between warfare and welfare. I raised the following questions: (1) in what ways did the Serbian state provide for the population of war veterans, (2) what was the role of VAs in this process, (3) how did the interplay between actors and their position within the local political and economic landscape influence veterans’ prospects for social recognition and access to care, and (4) how did war veterans justify their demands and in what ways did they reproduce or transform the official rhetoric that validated or challenged their privileged position? Therefore, this study is an analysis of the predicaments of Serbian veterans of the post-Yugoslav wars and the ways in which they were constructed, articulated and mobilised as a discourse and tool to differentiate and bestow a particular social group with particular rights to state resources. This was occurring in what I described as zones of ambiguities and unsolved contradictions due to the fact that two decades after post-Yugoslav wars, Serbia still had no official records about the exact number of killed and missing persons, or about the size of its veteran population. This also means that the state officialdom had no information about postwar living conditions of a large portion of its population, which impacted veterans’ and other people’s ideas about nationality, the state and their rights as Serbian citizens. Veterans voiced their discontent with the state and wider society through what I have observed as narratives of multiple lacks and losses that pointed to particular sites of ‘injury’ that affected their sense of dignity. In the process of making their claims for status recognition they competed with other groups in Serbian civil society over their respective positions in a hierarchy of victims in need of state protection. This could be described as a paradoxical process in which subjects seem to oppose the state while replicating forms of state power to gain recognition. I analyse the practices through which war veterans consolidated and communicated their demands for recognition as well as the responses by the Serbian state and society to those demands while, following Foucault, treating both acts as techniques of government and exercises in governmentality.