Thesis (M.S.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. / "June 2005." Title from title screen (viewed 05/10/2006). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 64-67).

M.A. / South African society is experiencing high levels of violence against women. Various research studies have been conducted in South Africa and at international universities: they all indicate the presence of violence on campus. The researcher used a quantitative approach to gather information on students‟ perceptions of sexual violence and focused on gender differences and similarities. Both undergraduate and postgraduate students living in residence were invited to participate in the study. Significant findings of the study are that sexual harassment was rampant on this campus. In addition, there are gender differences in the perception of sexual harassment. Both genders agreed that direct, physical violence and electronic harassment both constitute sexual harassment. However, men and women did not agree that non-violent behaviour constitutes sexual harassment. It is noteworthy that some men reported having experienced non-violent forms of sexual harassment. The study established that rape was not common on this campus. Moreover, different forms of non-violent sexual harassment were widespread and that more women than men experienced various forms of sexual harassment on campus. Both male and females perpetrate sexual harassment. However, perpetrators were predominantly male with a significant number being students, academic and non-academic staff members. The majority of students were not aware of the procedure to follow if sexually harassed on campus and were unaware of the universitiy's sexual harassment policy. Males and females preferred talking to a friend about their sexual harassment and seldom used university resources. Sexual harassment occurred all over campus and the researcher strongly recommend that university management commit themselves to dealing with sexual harassment by clearly stating that sexual harassment is not tolerated on campus and introducing measures to address this problem.

The research investigated the impact of sexual harassment on withdrawal behaviors and attitudes toward harassment by examining the gender composition of the harassment dyad and the organizational status of the perpetrator in relation to the victim. Archival data from the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research at the University of Michigan was used to obtain surveys in which participants rated their attitudes and experiences related to sexual harassment. Only individuals who reported experiencing sexual harassment within the 24 months prior to data collection are included in the current research. A MANOVA was conducted to determine if withdrawal behaviors and attitudes of victims varied by the gender dyad and/or the organizational status of the perpetrator. Results indicated that individuals harassed by people with higher organizational status displayed more withdrawal behaviors in the form of decreased productivity and increased use of sick, annual, and unpaid leave. Individuals harassed by a member of the same gender also used more unpaid leave. Interestingly, individuals harassed by members of the opposite gender, tended to disagree more strongly with the attitude index measuring cautious awareness of sexual harassment.

No description available.

The study assessed the relationship between acceptance of sexual double standard and attitude toward sexual harassment among students (N = 426, 141 males and 285 females). A principal components factor analysis with varimax rotation extracted 4 harassment factors: student blame, professor blame, reactions, and feelings about harassment. Controlling for marital status, age, race, and sexual double standard, one-way ANOVA revealed that gender significantly (p=.0001) affected attitude toward sexual harassment. Males reported less sensitivity toward harassment than females. Multiple regression analyses indicated that as acceptance of sexual double standard increases, sensitivity to sexual harassment decreases (p=.001), controlling for marital status, age, race, and gender. Controlling for marital status, age and race, two-way ANOVA revealed an interaction effect between gender and sexual double standard for student blame (p<.0001) and professor blame (p<.0044), where males reported higher levels of blame for both groups under the low sexual double standard condition.

No description available.

Sexual harassment has serious implications for both the individual and the organization. However, there appears to be confusion among different groups of people as to what behaviors constitute sexual harassment. The present study was designed as an aid in defining sexual harassment and an attempt to discover any differences which may exist between groups in what is considered to be sexual harassment. Perceiving certain behaviors as being sexual harassment appears to be related to several factors, among them gender, job status or power. This study consisted of a 2 (Gender) x 4 (Salary) design. The subjects for the study were 250 non-academic employees of a large state university. The investigator examined differences between groups using a four-part anonymous questionnaire. / Master of Science

See the attached abstract below

This thesis focuses on the work of a social movement based in Cairo that dedicated itself to the addressing and reducing sexual harassment, or taḥarush in the streets. Based on a year and five months of fieldwork, this thesis elaborated upon the genesis of the movement, its ethos, and the methods it deployed to tackle taḥarush. It is argued that the movement deployed methods which encouraged members of Egyptian society to revisit and rework their ethical standpoints with reference to taḥarush, and as such public behaviour. In this way, members of Egyptian society were asked to become more aware of their roles within society itself. Firstly, such methods had to be tested by movement members themselves. The movement became known for two main activities: raising awareness and patrols. Both methods serve as ways by which the movement reshaped both people and the public spaces they occupied. Spaces are defined by the people who pass through them, and by acting on a given space, people can change how it is perceived. The movement designated itself a safe space, encouraging members to ponder ideas from society with the goal of changing society ‘for the better'. What my research revealed was that lack of consensus regarding definitions embedded in movement ethos contributed to conflict between members and discontinuity between ethos and its enactment. Government pressures required changes to the structure and internal functioning of the movement, and in addition to the initial ethical project regarding taḥarush, members found themselves learning to embody and perform roles associated with employed positions. The turmoil experienced both within in and outside of the movement is put back into the context of Egypt post 2011, to tease out the sense of temporality embedded in their struggle to survive the political climate of the time.