Cette thèse s’attache à déconstruire, à localiser et à inscrire dans des dynamiques politiques locales d’abord, régionales et internationales ensuite, la perception qui s’est faite jour à compter du milieu des années 2000, que « le Golfe », espace aux contours rarement définis, serait devenu le lieu d’un développement culturel de très grande ampleur. Cette nouvelle image internationale des principautés arabes du golfe Persique, éloignée de leur association traditionnelle aux hydrocarbures et à la guerre, repose sur deux phénomènes distincts, voire opposés : la formation d’un marché de l’art arabe et iranien basé à Dubai qui se fait le reflet de la formation de nouvelles bourgeoisies dans les grands pays voisins, et la multiplication des annonces de musées à forte visibilité internationale au Qatar et à Abou Dabi qui ont pour cible prioritaire un public européen. Les musées sont l’objet principal de cette étude, le marché son objet secondaire. En croisant l’histoire et la science politique, une typologie binaire des musées golfiens et l’évolution du rapport de force entre les trois grandes composantes sociales des populations nationales des principautés depuis les années 1960, il apparaît que le musée, cette institution d’origine européenne qui sous sa forme moderne est apparue au XVIIIe siècle et qui compte au nombre des premières formes d’espaces publics, est dans les principautés arabes du golfe Persique un outil de renforcement de l’autoritarisme. Ce rôle qui est le sien depuis le temps de sa genèse dans les années 1960, s’est accentué au Qatar et à Abou Dabi depuis la Guerre du Golfe de 1990-1991. / This doctoral thesis aims at deconstructing, spatializing and inscribing in local and then international political dynamics the new perception emerging in the West that presents « the Gulf », a region whose boundaries are rarely defined, as the place for a large scale cultural development. This new international image of the Arab principalities of the Persian Gulf, that no longer reduces them to oil and war, but associates their names to culture, relies on two different phenomenons : the birth of an Arab and Iranian art market based in Dubai that reflects the formation of new elites in the neighbouring regional powers on the one hand, and the rise of a new type of museums targeting a European audience first, characterized by their international visibility, in Qatar and in Abu Dhabi on the other. The museums are the main object of this research, the art market its secondary one. By mixing political science and history, a binary typology of the museums and the evolution of the balance of power between the three main social components of the national communities in the Arab principalities since the 1960, the museum, this institution of European origin born in its modern form in the 18th century as one of the earliest forms of public spaces, appears as a tool for the consolidation of authoritarianism. This role that the museums has been playing since the 1960s, when the regional importation of this cultural model started, has even increased in Qatar and in Abu Dhabi since the end of the 1990-1991 Gulf War. Since that period, the new museums are actively taking part to the political marginalization of the national bureaucracy.

Harold Wilson, the British Prime Minister, announced in January 1968 that the British government would withdraw from the Persian Gulf by the end of 1971. For Britain, the decision indicated a re-prioritization of British global defense obligations. For the rulers of the Arab emirates of the Persian Gulf, Wilson‘s announcement signaled an end of British military protection, and the beginning of a process of negotiations that culminated in the establishment of the United Arab Emirates on December 3, 1971. An examination of the process by which the individual Persian Gulf states became a sovereign federation presents an opportunity to examine the roles of nationalism and anti-imperialism played in the establishment of the Union. This work demonstrates that Arab rulers in the Persian Gulf strove to establish their new state with close ties to Great Britain, which provided technical, military, and administrative assistance to the emirates, while also publicly embracing the popular ideologies of anti-imperialism and Arab socialism, which dominated the political discourse in the Arab world through most of the twentieth century. viii This dissertation draws on primary source materials from British and American government archives, speeches and government publications from the Arab Emirates, memoirs and a wide variety of secondary sources. These materials provide the basis for understanding the state-building process of the United Arab Emirates in the areas of pre-withdrawal development, the decision to withdraw, the problems of establishing a federal constitution, and the problems posed by the need for security in the post-withdrawal Persian Gulf. / text

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