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The purpose of this research was to increase understanding of ecology and control of cogongrass (Imperata cylindrica (L.) Beauv.) to assist with management of this invasive grass. To address different aspects of cogongrass management, I examined factors that affect spread of cogongrass, effects of cogongrass on native plant communities, and use of three native species to suppress cogongrass. Relative susceptibility of pine-bluestem and pine-shrub vegetation associations to vegetative encroachment and seed dispersal of cogongrass were evaluated. Vegetative encroachment into burned and unburned areas of these two vegetation associations also was measured. Effects of infestation size on vegetative growth of cogongrass and relationships between military activity and establishment and growth of cogongrass on military firing points were investigated. I also compared frequency of cogongrass infestation and vegetative growth rates for unpaved roads with different levels of traffic and maintenance. Native plant richness, diversity, and abundance were compared between cogongrass infestations and in uninfested adjacent areas for longleaf pine-bluestem and ruderal, cleared areas. Morella cerifera (L.) Small, Chamaecrista fasciculata (Michx.) Greene, and Panicum virgatum L. were tested for their ability to suppress cogongrass re-growth after treatment with a herbicide. Mean vegetative encroachment of cogongrass was < 2 m/yr for both habitat types regardless of burning. Vegetative encroachment was more than double in burned plots compared to unburned plots. Spikelets of cogongrass consistently dispersed farther into pine-bluestem (x¯ =17.3 m) forests compared to pine-shrub forests (x¯ = 9.4 m). Vegetative encroachment was not affected by size of infestation for cogongrass patches on firing points (x¯ < 1 m/yr) (P > 0.643). In areas of soil disturbance from military equipment, vegetative expansion rates of 7-10 m/yr were recorded. There was a positive relationship between military troop use and cogongrass establishment for one of the 2 years of the study (P = 0.023). Growth and establishment of cogongrass did not vary for unpaved roads with differing levels of maintenance and traffic (P > 0.173). Species diversity and abundance of herbaceous vegetation was less in cogongrass infestations compared to uninfested adjacent areas. Complete suppression of cogongrass was not evident for any of three native species tested.

Le nouveau conservatisme noir voit le jour dans les années 1975-1980 et s’impose comme une idéologie singulière, représentée par une élite intellectuelle (Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele, Glenn Loury, Stephen L. Carter) graduellement institutionnalisée dans l’establishment conservateur. L’initiative personnelle, le self-help et le rejet des programmes politiques libéraux constituent les axes majeurs de cette doctrine. Les néoconservateurs afro-américains manifestent une grande confiance dans les principes économiques du libre-échange et rejettent l’interventionnisme d’État en faveur de la communauté raciale. L’attaque contre l’affirmative action s’accompagne du plaidoyer pour l’instauration de la norme de color blindness. Les actions entreprises dans le but de mettre un terme aux traitements préférentiels accordés aux minorités et aux femmes sont attentivement organisées par les acteurs de la droite américaine. Un réseau bien coordonné d’individus, des fondations conservatrices, organisations et groupes de réflexion se consacre à la promotion des stratégies color blind. Ward Connerly, homme d’affaires noir de Californie, est à la tête du mouvement pour l’abolition des traitements préférentiels accordés aux minorités et aux femmes. Bénéficiant d’un soutien fort de la part des institutions conservatrices, ses campagnes contre la politique préférentielle se concrétisent dans les États de Californie, du Washington, du Michigan et du Nebraska. / The new Black Conservatism emerges between 1975-1980 and is considered as a unique ideology. Its major representatives are intellectuals (Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele, Glenn Loury, Stephen L. Carter) who are gradually “institutionalized” and integrated into the conservative establishment. Personal initiative, self-help and the contestation of liberal political programs represent the major axes of this ideology. Black neoconservatives greatly rely on the principles of free market economics and reject state interventionism in favor of the African-American community. Their attack on affirmative action is accompanied by attempts at instituting color blind politics. Actions undertaken in order to outlaw preferential treatment granted to minorities and women constitute a carefully organized operation. A well coordinated network of individuals, conservative foundations, organizations and think tanks are connected in this process and dedicate their efforts to advancing a color blind agenda. Ward Connerly, a black businessman from California, leads the movement for the abolition of preferential treatments granted to women and minorities. With the help of conservative institutions, his campaigns against preferential treatment put a ban of affirmative action in the States of California, Washington, Michigan and Nebraska.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Shelby County has the fastest growing rate of HIV infection in the State of Tennessee and the majority of the people with HIV/AIDS are African Americans. 2011 CDC report stated Memphis had the fifth highest proportion of new HIV infections. The African American church is a natural and potentially powerful venue to facilitate health awareness. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the views of African American faith-based leaders (FBLs) toward offering HIV prevention services in faith-based organizations (FBOs). The theoretical framework for this study was the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR). The fourth domain of CFIR, characteristics of the individuals, is concerned with organizational change which occurs on the individual level. CFIR provided a means to ensure effective implementations, data coding and analysis. Interpretative Descriptive (ID) design, which seeks to discover associations, relationships, and patterns within the described phenomenon, was used. The targeted population was African American Faith-based Leaders from areas known to have high rates of HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). Purposeful sampling was employed to recruit participants. Data was generated through face-to-face, semi-structured interviews. The researchers categorized and analyzed the data to form the concepts and themes identified using a coding scheme which was applied to all data. Faith-based leaders revealed that they had a role in HIV prevention. The themes that emerged were their role to provide education on HIV, minister with compassion, teach Biblical doctrine, maintain a community focus, and partner with expert healthcare professionals. Perceived barrier concepts identified were lack of knowledge, denial, stigma, fear, keeping issues private, and the breakdown of family and community values. Findings suggest that FBLs had some knowledge of the health disparities and ongoing stigma concerning HIV remains a major barrier. The participants interviewed were open to HIV preventions on different levels to address HIV but needed more education.