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Patterns of rural protest : chiefs, slaves and peasants in northwestern Sierra Leone, 1896-1956Rashid, Ismail O. D. January 1998 (has links)
This dissertation focuses on slaves and peasants as self-consciousness actors in northwestern Sierra Leone between 1896 to 1956. During this period, which covers almost the entire duration of British colonial rule in the region, these subaltern groups used covert and violent actions to protest the various demands---labour, tribute and taxation---of the state and the local elite. Covert actions like evasions, escapes and migrations became interwoven into the fabric of colonial rule. / Violent actions, which tended to be spasmodic, erupted when social and economic conditions deteriorated sharply. Four major rebellions occurred during colonial rule in region. The first, spearheaded by local rulers, took place within the general context of African resistance to colonialism in 1898. After the rulers were coopted by the colonial state the burden of resistance fell on peasants and slaves. In 1919, after enduring excruciating war-time experiences, peasants, petty-traders, slaves and the urban unemployed rioted against Syrian traders who they believed hoarded and profited from rice. The rural destitution created by the Great Depression and a major locust attack led many ex-slaves and peasants to join the millenarian movement of the itinerant muslim cleric, Idara Konthorfili in 1931. Ware called on his followers not to pay colonial tax and tried to mobilize them to fight against the state. In 1955 and 1956, peasants and other rural groups throughout northwestern Sierra Leone rebelled against high taxation and the despotism of their chiefs. In its timing and virulence the anti-chief rebellion of 1955 and 1956 represented a major paradox in African history. It had occurred during the moment of decolonization; a period when the colonial transfer of power to the new African elite was following formulaic and relatively peaceful lines. / The state responded to subaltern protest with repression, paternalism and readjustments in existing social relations. By their actions, slaves and peasants forced the state and elite groups to acknowledge and respond to their concerns. The balance which emerged out of this process of resistance, repression and accommodation became the moral economy of colonialism in Sierra Leone.
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Women and peace-building in Sierra Leone : 2002-2011Lifongo, Maureen Namondo 18 June 2013 (has links)
M.A. (Politics) / This purpose of this study was to analyse the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone. The various dimensions of peace-building as set out in the African Union’s Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PRCD) programme, adopted in June 2006 by heads of governments in Banjul, The Gambia, served as the framework for analysis. The PCRD emphasises the incorporation of women in all peace-building efforts (and the mainstreaming of gender in all policies), and sets out a range of areas in terms of which women are required to be included. These are: political transition, government and democratisation; security; human rights, justice, and reconciliation; humanitarian emergency assistance; and socio-economic reconstruction and development. The analysis of the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone in these areas is structured in terms of efforts made by the government in complying with the PCRD, the efforts made by women’s groups (local, national, provincial, regional) in the country and the involvement of international organisations in partnership with either the government or women’s groups to provide assistance to female victims of violence. This study found that the government had many policies and laws which provided for women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country (i.e. de jure commitment). However, its de facto commitment is questionable, since very few of these policies have in fact borne fruit. Women, for example, were not included in the 1996 Abidjan and 1999 Lomé Peace Accords – in both these agreements they were portrayed as victims needing protection, rather than as agents of change. Moreover, female representation in parliament over the past 12 years has not exceeded 14.5 per cent; the DDR programmes was largely gender-blind; the transformation of the security sector (such as the police and military) did not result in women’s inclusion in decision-making positions within these institutions; and, finally, despite the fact that the government specifically emphasised the importance of resuscitating economic activities among women in the 2005 Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, there was no concrete strategy to achieve these goals. This has affected women’s involvement in the economy, since obstacles in the form of male attitudes towards their role in the economy continue to persist. However, women’s groups, on the other hand, were actively involved in facilitating women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country. Groups such as the 50/50 Group have been active in mobilising for the implementation of the 30 per cent quota for women’s representation in parliament. It also conducted capacity-building workshops and training programmes to empower potential female candidates for both local and general elections. The Sierra Leonean chapter of the Forum of African Women Educationalists (FAWE-SL) played a pivotal role in addressing the trauma caused by sexual and gender-based violence. Further efforts by women’s groups include: providing capacity-building programmes to empower women (including female ex-combatants) excluded from the DDRR programme; addressing the psycho-social needs of female survivors of war (in collaboration with international organisations); providing financial and medical assistance as well as trauma counselling and healing programmes to female and child victims of domestic violence and rape; running skills training centres and other educational activities in order to increase literacy and education among women, and building emergency schools for girls whose schools were destroyed during the conflict as well as providing educational information at entry points to female returnees on their rights; and, finally, providing micro-credit loans (by the Sierra Leone Market Women’s Association (SLMWA). This has been an important aspect of the efforts of women’s groups to resuscitate economic activities among women.
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Comparative study of the effects of ethnicity on the formation of political parties in Nigeria (1951-1961) and Sierra Leone (1950-1967)Blell, Joseph C January 1973 (has links)
This study will examine political party systems, with particular emphasis on the impact of ethnicity on party formation in both Nigeria (1951-1961) and Sierra Leone (1950-1967).
Particularly in terms of this study, the hypothesis will be advanced that in countries as ethnically divided as Nigeria and Sierra Leone, political parties formed from a nucleus of members from one or another subsystem, such as an ethnic group, which engage in competitive elections will create sectional and ethnic tensions. The major finding of the study, is that a country or countries with sharp ethnic-cleavages, will tend to produce a multi-party system unless there are intervening factors to mitigate against such party-formation. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate
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Patterns of rural protest : chiefs, slaves and peasants in northwestern Sierra Leone, 1896-1956Rashid, Ismail O. D. January 1998 (has links)
No description available.
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Vervalle state, hulpbronoorloë en vredemaking : die gevalle Sierra LeoneVan Schalkwyk, Denver Christopher 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William
Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that
the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a
situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart.
The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are
there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example
of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the
commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which
are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in
collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a
basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in
the society.
Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra
Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich
themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and
propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by
the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles
Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in
Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in
Sierra Leone.
With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of
peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was
an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain
international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's
traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic
framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The
UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military
Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline
International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they
are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional
initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra
Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to
produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved
peacemaking and the holding of an election.
The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 )
re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it
also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that
Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra
Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more
stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this
thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to
further confirmation by later studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William
Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die
tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n
vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette
uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom
wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van
vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die
aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe
instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as
'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor
die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n
basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die
samelewing.
Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie
geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure,
wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te
verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en
propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die
'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n
oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het
tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee.
Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone
na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre
doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te
handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele
opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n
basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in
Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering'
van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van
'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek
insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN
gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm
van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In
hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die
uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het.
Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001)
se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese
voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit
beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie.
Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle
staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te
word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word.
Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur
latere studies.
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Warlords in Africa’s “New Wars” Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor comparedKok, Chantelle 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to describe the factors that led to the creation of
warlords in Angola and Sierra Leone so as to better understand the dynamics and
origins of warlord politics. The two warlords that were focused on, and compared,
were Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone).
Authors like Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006,
2007) and Collier and Hoeffler (2004) contributed toward the base of this study.
Their work captured the issues contributing toward the warlord phenomenon and
generated thought surrounding the context in which these warlords arose. John
Mackinlay (2000) was used to describe and analyse the origins of warlordism and
how the warlord phenomenon has changed with the onset of new wars, especially in
the late 20th and 21st centuries (Kaldor, 2006). Furthermore, the work of Thomas H.
Greene (1984) was used in guiding this thesis into a systematic study, focusing
mainly on the leadership, following, organization, techniques and external support of
both Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor as examples of contemporary warlords.
Through utilizing the contributions of the above authors on this topic, the similarities
and differences between the two warlords were explored. The study found that
while Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor emerged from different eras and contexts
(Savimbi out of the Cold War and Taylor as a result of globalization), they both
became typical warlords. Savimbi only became a warlord after 1992. Before, Savimbi
used Maoist ideology while an insurgent against Portugal, whereafter he became a
rebel in the Angolan civil war. Taylor was a warlord in diamond-rich neighbouring
Sierra Leone. Both used identity politics to gather a following while Taylor used brute
force and the manipulation of the youth. They both manipulated illicit criminal
networking and operated internationally, smuggling diamonds. The main difference,
however, is that Taylor was an insurgent in Liberia where he seized power in 1990
and became president in 1997, while a warlord in neighbouring Sierra Leone.
Savimbi, on the other hand, never attained presidential power even though he
participated in the 1992 Angolan elections which he lost, whereafter he ceased to be
a revolutionary, and became a real warlord without the external support he previously had. Savimbi was assassinated in 2002 and Taylor abdicated in 2003,
currently standing trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. He
stands trial for the human right atrocities committed in Sierra Leone. Their legacies
live on. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die faktore te beskryf wat gely het tot die
ontstaan van krygshere (“warlords“)in Angola en Sierra Leone, en om die dinamika
van krygsheerpolitiek beter te verstaan. Die twee krygshere waarop gefokus en
vergelyk was, is Jonas Savimbi (Angola) en Charles Taylor (Liberië en Sierra Leone).
Die denke van skrywers soos Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000,
2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) en Collier & Hoeffler (2004) het bygedra tot die basis van
hierdie studie. Hulle werk het ingesluit die aspekte wat bygedra het tot die krygsheer
fenomeen, en het besinning aangemoedig oor die agtergrondsfaktore waaruit hierdie
twee krygshere ontstaan het.
John Mackinlay (2000) se werk is gebruik om die oorsprong van krygsheerpolitiek te
beskryf, asook hoe die krygsheerfenomeen verander het met die uitbreek van “nuwe
oorloë“ (Kaldor, 2006), veral aan die einde van die 20ste en 21ste eeue. Verder is
die werk van Thomas H. Greene (1984) gebruik om hierdie tesis ‘n sistematiese
struktuur te gee wat gefokus is op die leierskap, volgelinge, organisasie, tegnieke en
eksterne ondersteuning van Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor. Hierdie twee persone
is albei voorbeelde van kontemporêre krygshere in die jongste verlede.
‘n Vergelykende studie verg dat ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee
krygshere verken word deur gebruik te maak van die bydraes van bogenoemde
skrywers. In die studie is bevind dat alhoewel Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor uit
verskillende eras en agtergrond kom (Savimbi uit die Koue Oorlog en Taylor as
gevolg van globalisasie), albei tipiese krygshere geword het. Savimbi het Maoistiese
ideologie gebruik terwyl hy ’n insurgent teen Portugal was. Daarná het hy ’n rebel in
die Angolese burgeroorlog geword. Hy het eers na 1992 ‘n krygsheer geword nadat
hy die verkiesing verloor het en sy buitelandse steun verloor het. Taylor, aan die
ander kant, was ‘n krygsheer in die diamantryke buurland, Sierra Leone. Altwee
krygshere het identiteitspolitiek gebruik om volgelinge te kry, terwyl Taylor ook
brutale krag en die manipulasie van die jeug gebruik het. Hulle het beide
internasionale diamante gesmokkel deur kriminele netwerke te gebruik. Die groot
vi
verskil is egter dat terwyl Taylor ‘n krygsheer in Sierra Leone was, was hy ook ‘n
insurgent in Liberië, waar hy in 1990 mag gekry het en in 1997 president geword
het.
Savimbi, aan die ander kant, het nooit presidensiële mag verkry nie, alhoewel hy
deelgeneem het aan die 1992 Angolese verkiesing. Hy het daarna opgehou om ‘n
revolusionêr en ‘n rebel te wees en het ‘n ware krygsheer geword (sonder die
eksterne ondersteuning wat hy voorheen gehad het). Savimbi is in 2002 vermoor en
Taylor het in 2003 abdikeer. Taylor is tans onder verhoor in Den Haag waar hy tereg
staan by die Internasionale Strafhof vir oorlogsmisdade en menseregteskendings in
Sierra Leone. Beide hierdie krygshere se nalatenskap leef egter voort.
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Micro-macro paradoxes : the effects of war and aid on child survivalStanley, Richard January 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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Security concerns: Nigeria's peacekeeping efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone, 1990-1999Obodozie, Onuorah J. 31 January 2004 (has links)
The essence of this thesis is to explore the role of Nigeria, West Africa's hegemon, in the intervention efforts by the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) through its Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in both Liberia (1990-1997) and Sierra Leone (1993-2000). While the thesis has sought to understand the leading role played by Nigeria in first establishing the ECOWAS and being the primus motor for its functions, I have also attempted to analyse the rationalities for the transformation of ECOWAS from a purely economic integrative scheme to a security organisation. While the economic agendas for ECOWAS have not changed, the argument in this thesis is that security related issues and realities have taken precedence over the original economistic agendas. One of the thesis' major arguments is that the nature of results attained in both Liberia and Sierra Leone are different because of (a) the leadership role of Nigeria and (b) the nature of international responses and contributions to the resolution of these conflicts.
In the thesis, I argue that in the Liberian case, Nigeria took a more domineering leadership role albeit tinged with the characteristics of the actions of a benevolent hegemon. Here, Nigeria through different processes either through leadership, consensus-seeking processes and dialogue managed to get other ECOWAS states to coalesce around its leadership. However, in Sierra Leone, Nigeria's leadership role was not permitted to unfold. The resultant effect was the shift from NIFAG to ECOMOG and eventually "rekindling hatred" of these troops as UN troops.
This thesis has pointed to the utility of sub-regional organisations in resolving conflicts and demonstrates the need for further study. / Political Science / DLITT ET PHIL (INT POL)
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Security concerns: Nigeria's peacekeeping efforts in Liberia and Sierra Leone, 1990-1999Obodozie, Onuorah J. 31 January 2004 (has links)
The essence of this thesis is to explore the role of Nigeria, West Africa's hegemon, in the intervention efforts by the Economic Community of West African states (ECOWAS) through its Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in both Liberia (1990-1997) and Sierra Leone (1993-2000). While the thesis has sought to understand the leading role played by Nigeria in first establishing the ECOWAS and being the primus motor for its functions, I have also attempted to analyse the rationalities for the transformation of ECOWAS from a purely economic integrative scheme to a security organisation. While the economic agendas for ECOWAS have not changed, the argument in this thesis is that security related issues and realities have taken precedence over the original economistic agendas. One of the thesis' major arguments is that the nature of results attained in both Liberia and Sierra Leone are different because of (a) the leadership role of Nigeria and (b) the nature of international responses and contributions to the resolution of these conflicts.
In the thesis, I argue that in the Liberian case, Nigeria took a more domineering leadership role albeit tinged with the characteristics of the actions of a benevolent hegemon. Here, Nigeria through different processes either through leadership, consensus-seeking processes and dialogue managed to get other ECOWAS states to coalesce around its leadership. However, in Sierra Leone, Nigeria's leadership role was not permitted to unfold. The resultant effect was the shift from NIFAG to ECOMOG and eventually "rekindling hatred" of these troops as UN troops.
This thesis has pointed to the utility of sub-regional organisations in resolving conflicts and demonstrates the need for further study. / Political Science / DLITT ET PHIL (INT POL)
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