This thesis examines the use of history, historical narratives and the relation to Venezuelan historical consciousness in Libro Rojo, a publication of The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). It consists of four parts: an introduction, a declaration of principles, statutes and finally what is called the programmatical bases (bases programaticas) of the party. A starting point for this thesis is that this is an under prioritized area of research about the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela. It aims to show the centrality of history in these fundamental documents of the biggest left-wing party in Latin America. The thesis finds that symbolically charged historical figures – mainly national icons of Venezuela´s struggle for national liberation - are mobilized to back up contemporary aspirations and influence public perception of what kind of future is possible and desirable. Libro Rojo structures the relationship between past, present and future in order to influence historical consciousness. It also finds that Libro Rojo constructs a vision of socialism which aims to show that the ideas and actions of Venezuela´s symbolically charged historical figures are compatible with the ideas of 19th and 20th century western Marxism. An illustration of this is the reference to Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariáteguí and his saying that socialism on the American continent can neither be an imitation nor a copy of foreign models, but a heroic creation of the people. Furthermore in Libro Rojo, the ideas of liberation theology, Christianity as well as "all universal and humanist thought" are evoked as foundations for the contemporary aspirations of the PSUV. The present is situated within a context of contemporary history in which themes such as the struggle of the peoples against neoliberalism and the threats to the survival of humanity due to climate changes, economic crisis and war are central. It describes a near future in which humanity will have a choice: between its salvation and flourishing through socialism, or its extinction through world capitalism.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2014-08-28T14:19:20Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Nelsimar Jose Naves.pdf: 12781992 bytes, checksum: 1fa81a0044b0badd34075c8cbb9e41c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-28T14:19:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Nelsimar Jose Naves.pdf: 12781992 bytes, checksum: 1fa81a0044b0badd34075c8cbb9e41c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-27 / The present research is based on an investigation around the History and Memory of the Educational Institutions. The study was developed from the following problem: how to get up and settles the Simon Bolivar in Corumbaíba, from 1956 to 1974? The time frame chosen was between the years of 1956, at which time began the process of institutionalization of Simon Bolivar, Gymnasium and 1974, the year in which this school is separated from the National Campaign to Free Educacional, passing then to have officially as sponsor, the municipality of Corumbaíba. The overall objective of the research is to understand the historical aspects that led to the emergence and the consolidation of the Simon Bolivar Gymnasium , establishing an analysis around what this school represents in the history of the city of Corumbaíba-GO, and in memory of those who, in one way or another, she retained some binding. Specifically, this research seeks to make a historical approach of Simon Bolivar, Gymnasium during the timeframe proposed by the contextualization with the political and socio-cultural reality of Corumbaíba, deepening the discussion around the possible relationships of power that permeated the reality of this school, as well as analyze what proposed at the time, around the expansion of secondary education in the State of Goiás and in Brazil; search still, establish a discussion about the role of the Municipal Sector of National Campaign to Free Educacional (CNEG) and as the scene of his influence, next to Gymnasium Management Simon Bolivar; In addition to establishing the analysis about the memories built over the years, this school and its founder, through the available documentation and interviews. The hypothesis proposed is that the creation of Simon Bolivar and Gymnasium the way he was organizing has a close relationship with the struggle for political hegemony in Corumbaíba. In this way, the history and the memory of this school is mainly from such events and experiences. / A presente pesquisa é pautada em uma investigação em torno da História e Memória das Instituições Escolares. O estudo se desenvolveu a partir do seguinte problema de pesquisa: como se constitui e se estabelece o Ginásio Simon Bolívar em Corumbaíba, no período de 1956 a 1974? O recorte temporal escolhido foi entre os anos de 1956, momento em que se iniciou o processo de institucionalização do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, e 1974, ano em que essa escola se desvinculou da Campanha Nacional de Educandários Gratuitos, passando então a ter oficialmente como mantenedora, a Prefeitura Municipal de Corumbaíba. O objetivo geral da pesquisa é o de compreender os aspectos históricos que levaram ao surgimento e à consolidação do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, estabelecendo uma análise em torno do que essa escola representa na história do município de Corumbaíba - GO, e na memória das pessoas que, de um modo ou de outro, com ela mantiveram alguma vinculação. Especificamente, esta pesquisa procura fazer uma abordagem histórica do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, no período do recorte temporal proposto, estabelecendo a contextualização com a realidade política e sócio cultural de Corumbaíba, aprofundando a discussão em torno das possíveis relações de poder que permeavam a realidade dessa instituição escolar, além de analisar o que se propunha à época, em torno da expansão do ensino secundário no estado de Goiás e no Brasil; busca ainda, estabelecer uma discussão acerca da atuação do Setor Municipal da Campanha Nacional de Educandários Gratuitos (CNEG), tendo como palco de sua influência, a gestão junto ao Ginásio Simon Bolívar; além de estabelecer a análise sobre as memórias construídas ao longo dos anos, em torno dessa escola e de seu fundador, através da documentação disponível e de entrevistas. A hipótese proposta é a de que a criação do Ginásio Simon Bolívar e a maneira como ele foi se organizando tenha uma relação íntima com a luta por hegemonia política em Corumbaíba. Desse modo, a história e a memória dessa instituição escolar manifesta-se principalmente a partir de tais eventos e experiências.

Heritage tourism is one of the fastest growing sub-categories of the tourism industry, which is arguably the largest industry in the world. When communities and regions compete for a greater share of the heritage tourism market, the authenticity and integrity of a heritage can be compromised by the way it is represented. One way to represent heritage is a “cultural route,” which has recently been added to definition of “cultural heritage” in the UNESCO World Heritage Convention. The interpretation of a “cultural route,” however, continues to evolve, especially in Latin America. In anticipation of the bicentennial celebration of independence from Spain, two cultural routes were separately inaugurated in 2009: the Ruta del Libertador in Ecuador and Venezuela, and the Ruta Libertadora in Colombia. After providing an overview of the historical, political and cultural contexts that surround these routes, this paper draws upon a website content analysis to explores how national identity, cultural heritage and the legacy of Simón Bolívar are represented by the governments of Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela. These observations and analyses show that while both routes represent a shared heritage, the differences in their representations straddle the definitions of “authenticity” and “cultural heritage,” as the Ruta Libertadora in Colombia is a “cultural route” and the Ruta del Libertador in Ecuador and Venezuela is a “cultural tourism route.” However, when considered together, the Ruta del Libertador and Ruta Libertadora are a cultural route that more accurately represents a crucial moment in Latin American history: the liberation of South America from Spain, led by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador.” / text

This is an analysis of the U.S. Army's personnel decisions in the Second World War. Specifically, it considers the U.S. Army Chief of Staff George C. Marshall's appointment of generals to combat command, and his reasons for relieving some generals while leaving others in place after underperformance. Many historians and contemporaries of Marshall, including General Omar N. Bradley, have commented on Marshall's ability to select brilliant, capable general officers for combat command in the war. However, in addition to solid performers like J. Lawton Collins, Lucian Truscott, and George S. Patton, Marshall, together with Dwight D. Eisenhower and Lesley J. McNair, often selected sub-par commanders who significantly underperformed on the battlefield. These generals' tactical and operational decisions frequently led to unnecessary casualties, and ultimately prolonged the war. The work considers six case studies: Lloyd Fredendall at Kasserine Pass, Mark Clark during the Italian campaign, John Lucas at Anzio, Omar Bradley at the Falaise Gap, Courtney Hodges at the Hürtgen Forest, and Simon Bolivar Buckner, Jr. at Okinawa. Personal connections and patronage played strong roles in these generals' command appointments, and often trumped practical considerations like command experience. While their superiors ultimately relieved corps commanders Fredendall and Lucas, field army and army group commanders Clark, Hodges, and Bradley retained command of their units, (Buckner died from combat wounds on Okinawa). Personal connections also strongly influenced the decision to retain the field army and army group commanders in their commands.