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<p>Abstract</p><p>The landscape of socially oriented NGOs – a study of how they are created and established in</p><p>a local Swedish context.</p><p>This thesis is an inquiry into local, socially oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs)</p><p>in Swedish municipalities. Previous research has indicated that changes in the monitoring and</p><p>steering of financial support during the 1990s altered the conditions for and practices of</p><p>NGOs. The inquiry – based on archival material and interviews with organization</p><p>representatives from the twelve NGOs receiving financial support from the social welfare</p><p>board in Växjö municipality – showed instead that the organizations were unaffected by the</p><p>changes, and that the set of recipient organizations had been stable over time. A comparison</p><p>with four other communities reveals that the same pattern is repeated in other municipalities</p><p>of similar size. The purpose of the thesis is to develop a theoretical framework to account for</p><p>stability in sets of recipient organizations. It is argued that set stability is explained by</p><p>affiliations with well-known national organizations, in conjunction with the boundary-work of</p><p>the local organizations.</p>

The landscape of socially oriented NGOs – a study of how they are created and established in a local Swedish context. This thesis is an inquiry into local, socially oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Swedish municipalities. Previous research has indicated that changes in the monitoring and steering of financial support during the 1990s altered the conditions for and practices of NGOs. The inquiry – based on archival material and interviews with organization representatives from the twelve NGOs receiving financial support from the social welfare board in Växjö municipality – showed instead that the organizations were unaffected by the hanges, and that the set of recipient organizations had been stable over time. A comparison with four other communities reveals that the same pattern is repeated in other municipalities of similar size. The purpose of the thesis is to develop a theoretical framework to account for stability in sets of recipient organizations. It is argued that set stability is explained by affiliations with well-known national organizations, in conjunction with the boundary-work of the local organizations.

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<p>The object of this paper is concerned with the subject youth and politics. The aim of the paper is to study what influence our today modern societies has between two social landscapes, Greece and Sweden and try to give an explanation to why young peoples political engagement is different in the two countries. To fulfil my aim of this paper I have used a few questions, these questions will give me an insight in how young people look at politics, what their interests are and if they feel that they can and ought to act political. The theoretical starting points I’ve used I’ve chosen with reflection to look at the social landscape we live in and its changes over time. I also want to see how it has affected people and the society. Within the framework of two historical processes I study development and trends in these two landscapes.</p><p>The study is a case study with background from an earlier study about young people’s political awareness and engagement at CEFOS Research centre in Göteborg. Were young people from 28 countries contributed. I have delimit my study to two countries from this research and tried to find out why the results were different in these countries by including perspective of the social landscape in which these young people live their every day life. The analysis is built on 18 interviews, which two of them were group interviews of five people. The results of my interviews matched the theories that I had selected and shows that the changes within the social landscape, also changes the individual apprehension and point of view, not only to the individual but also to the collective influence in society. The results is divergent in the two countries and my conclusion to this is that Sweden has been influenced by modernity for a long period while Greece is going through that process right now and still has a traditional way of thinking.</p> / <p>Denna uppsats behandlar ämnet ungdomar och politik. Syftet med denna studie är att studera vilken effekt vår tids samhällsutveckling har i två sociala landskap, Grekland och Sverige samt att försöka ge en förklaring till varför ungdomars politiska engagemang skiljer sig åt mellan länderna.</p><p>De frågeställningar jag behandlar ska ge mig en insikt i hur ungdomar ser på politik, vilket intresse de hyser och om de anser att de bör och kan agera politiskt.</p><p>De teoretiska utgångspunkterna jag använt mig av valde jag med reflektion att försöka se på det sociala landskapet vi lever i och dess förändringar över tid. Samt att se hur dessa har påverkat individen och samhället. Inom ramverket av två historiska processer studerar jag utvecklingen och trender i dessa två sociala landskap.</p><p>Studien är en fallstudie med bakgrund av en tidigare forskningsstudie om Ungdomars politiska medvetenhet och engagemang från CEFOS Forskningscentrum i Göteborg, där ungdomar i 28 länder medverkade. Jag har avgränsat mig till två länder i denna forskning och har försökt se varför resultaten skiljde sig åt mellan dessa genom att ta upp perspektiv kring det sociala landskapet som ungdomarna upplever sin vardag i. Analysen bygger på 18 intervjuer varav två gruppintervjuer på fem individer i var.</p><p>Resultaten av mina intervjuer stämmer bra in på de teorier jag valde att använda och visar att det sociala landskapets förändringar, även förändrar individens inställning och uppfattning om ens egna samt kollektivets påverkan i samhället. Resultaten skiljer sig åt i de olika länderna och min slutsats gällande detta utgörs främst av att Sverige under en längre period har genomgått en omvandling till ett mer modernt socialt landskap medan Grekland fortfarande genomgår processen till att bli modernt och har på så vis kvar många traditionella tankesystem.</p>

Within a loose framework of two ongoing and interrelated processes (globalisation and changing roles of the nation-state) family and relations between family, economy and state are studied in Greece and Sweden. Greece is in focus. Modernization, development and family in social science literature are discussed. Using the idea of the social landscape and the existence of four different types of organizations (private enterprises, nation-states, families and voluntary organizations) several advantages are achieved: care work is made visible and nation-states are seen in a wider context. Informal economy and clientelism in general and in Greece in particular are described. The role of family in maintaining such patterns is discussed and attention is paid to the mutual strengthening of family, informal economy and clientelism in a social landscape where formal, universalistic and public procedures to get access to valued resources exist side by side and interwoven with informal, particularistic and veiled ones. Traditional patriarchal ideologies are breaking up and an increasing number of women work outside the family but women's role in caring for family members in Greece is crucial. Great progress in terms of equal rights has been made. State involvement in caring activities and other reproductive work is however small. Modernization and rationalization in economy and state in the wake of EU and EMU membership challenge such phenomena as informal economy, clientelism and women's subordination. Finally development in Greece and Sweden within the EU is discussed and division of responsibilities and work with care is problematized.

The object of this paper is concerned with the subject youth and politics. The aim of the paper is to study what influence our today modern societies has between two social landscapes, Greece and Sweden and try to give an explanation to why young peoples political engagement is different in the two countries. To fulfil my aim of this paper I have used a few questions, these questions will give me an insight in how young people look at politics, what their interests are and if they feel that they can and ought to act political. The theoretical starting points I’ve used I’ve chosen with reflection to look at the social landscape we live in and its changes over time. I also want to see how it has affected people and the society. Within the framework of two historical processes I study development and trends in these two landscapes. The study is a case study with background from an earlier study about young people’s political awareness and engagement at CEFOS Research centre in Göteborg. Were young people from 28 countries contributed. I have delimit my study to two countries from this research and tried to find out why the results were different in these countries by including perspective of the social landscape in which these young people live their every day life. The analysis is built on 18 interviews, which two of them were group interviews of five people. The results of my interviews matched the theories that I had selected and shows that the changes within the social landscape, also changes the individual apprehension and point of view, not only to the individual but also to the collective influence in society. The results is divergent in the two countries and my conclusion to this is that Sweden has been influenced by modernity for a long period while Greece is going through that process right now and still has a traditional way of thinking. / Denna uppsats behandlar ämnet ungdomar och politik. Syftet med denna studie är att studera vilken effekt vår tids samhällsutveckling har i två sociala landskap, Grekland och Sverige samt att försöka ge en förklaring till varför ungdomars politiska engagemang skiljer sig åt mellan länderna. De frågeställningar jag behandlar ska ge mig en insikt i hur ungdomar ser på politik, vilket intresse de hyser och om de anser att de bör och kan agera politiskt. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna jag använt mig av valde jag med reflektion att försöka se på det sociala landskapet vi lever i och dess förändringar över tid. Samt att se hur dessa har påverkat individen och samhället. Inom ramverket av två historiska processer studerar jag utvecklingen och trender i dessa två sociala landskap. Studien är en fallstudie med bakgrund av en tidigare forskningsstudie om Ungdomars politiska medvetenhet och engagemang från CEFOS Forskningscentrum i Göteborg, där ungdomar i 28 länder medverkade. Jag har avgränsat mig till två länder i denna forskning och har försökt se varför resultaten skiljde sig åt mellan dessa genom att ta upp perspektiv kring det sociala landskapet som ungdomarna upplever sin vardag i. Analysen bygger på 18 intervjuer varav två gruppintervjuer på fem individer i var. Resultaten av mina intervjuer stämmer bra in på de teorier jag valde att använda och visar att det sociala landskapets förändringar, även förändrar individens inställning och uppfattning om ens egna samt kollektivets påverkan i samhället. Resultaten skiljer sig åt i de olika länderna och min slutsats gällande detta utgörs främst av att Sverige under en längre period har genomgått en omvandling till ett mer modernt socialt landskap medan Grekland fortfarande genomgår processen till att bli modernt och har på så vis kvar många traditionella tankesystem.

Les six dimensions du concept d’espace social alimentaire ont été structurées pour faciliter l’analyse de l’aspect proprement social de l’acte alimentaire. Analysée à travers ce concept, une cuisine régionale révèle le vécu alimentaire des personnes qui la consomment. Car la promotion d’une cuisine régionale se base sur des produits emblématiques qui ne sont pas nécessairement consommés au quotidien. Dans le village provençal de Sault, village resté à peu près hors des sentiers du tourisme de masse, je m’intéresserai aux habitudes alimentaires de la population. Ces habitudes correspondent-elles à ce que nous a habitué la promotion culinaire et diététique de la cuisine provençale ? En abordant l’aspect proprement social de l’acte alimentaire des habitants de Sault, je verrai la particularité composite des habitudes de consommation alimentaire illustrée par une identité provençale, un discours micro-régional et des habitudes françaises. / The concept of a 6-fold ‘social landscape of foodways’ (l’espace social alimentaire) was designed to facilitate the analysis of the social aspects of food practices. When analyzed in this manner, regional culinary practices come to be understood through the daily experiences of local people, and it becomes clear that the promotion of regional cuisine is often based on iconic food products that are not necessarily consumed on a daily basis. In the village of Sault, located in a part of Provence that has remained largely off the beaten path of mainstream tourism, I examined the food practices of local Provencal residents. Do their practices correspond to the image of Provencal cuisine that is so often promoted within culinary circles and the mass media? In examining the social aspects of Sault’s foodways, I discuss the specific elements that make up the community’s food practices: a Provencal identity through a micro-regional discourse and French customs.

Les six dimensions du concept d’espace social alimentaire ont été structurées pour faciliter l’analyse de l’aspect proprement social de l’acte alimentaire. Analysée à travers ce concept, une cuisine régionale révèle le vécu alimentaire des personnes qui la consomment. Car la promotion d’une cuisine régionale se base sur des produits emblématiques qui ne sont pas nécessairement consommés au quotidien. Dans le village provençal de Sault, village resté à peu près hors des sentiers du tourisme de masse, je m’intéresserai aux habitudes alimentaires de la population. Ces habitudes correspondent-elles à ce que nous a habitué la promotion culinaire et diététique de la cuisine provençale ? En abordant l’aspect proprement social de l’acte alimentaire des habitants de Sault, je verrai la particularité composite des habitudes de consommation alimentaire illustrée par une identité provençale, un discours micro-régional et des habitudes françaises. / The concept of a 6-fold ‘social landscape of foodways’ (l’espace social alimentaire) was designed to facilitate the analysis of the social aspects of food practices. When analyzed in this manner, regional culinary practices come to be understood through the daily experiences of local people, and it becomes clear that the promotion of regional cuisine is often based on iconic food products that are not necessarily consumed on a daily basis. In the village of Sault, located in a part of Provence that has remained largely off the beaten path of mainstream tourism, I examined the food practices of local Provencal residents. Do their practices correspond to the image of Provencal cuisine that is so often promoted within culinary circles and the mass media? In examining the social aspects of Sault’s foodways, I discuss the specific elements that make up the community’s food practices: a Provencal identity through a micro-regional discourse and French customs.

Le “Hawch” forme à Beyrouth un élément de planification urbaine héritée. Il est un ensemble d'habitat traditionnel dense, entouré par une enceinte à mur aveugle et accessible à partir d'un « Zoukak »-ruelle étroite de desserte-. Il renferme en son intérieur une vie communautaire identitaire de la société libanaise autour d'un espace végétal qui le structure. De par sa situation géographique périphérique au centre-ville de Beyrouth en reconstruction il subit des tensions. La première est une tension extérieure : premièrement économique qui est due aux spéculations foncières et immobilières, deuxièmement urbaine en termes de densification et d'étalement urbain. La deuxième tension est intérieure venant en premier lieu du repli communautaire que présente sa société face à la tendance beyrouthine à l'individualisation et à l'occidentalisation et en deuxième lieu de la « compétence du propriétaire » de modifier le spatial aux dépens de l'équilibre écologique du microclimat du « Hawch ». Le « Hawch » se présente comme une réponse aux discours sur la politique des villes de nos jours. Ses trois composantes intrinsèques le social, le spatial et l'environnemental paysager correspondant aux trois piliers du développement durable répondent aux problématiques de la ville de Beyrouth moderne. Les potentialités du vivre ensemble de sa dimension sociale, l'écologie spatiale urbaine de sa dimension spatiale et le microclimat comme dimension environnementale paysagère le prédisposent à perdurer dans la ville de Beyrouth contemporaine sous forme de « Hawch » revisité que nous appellerons le « Néo-Hawch ». / The "Hawch" is an inherited element in Beirut urban planning. It is a dense grouping of traditional habitat, surrounded by an enclosure wall and accessible from a "Zoukak" –a narrow service street-. It contains in its interior a community life identical to that of Lebanese society around a structuring green space. By its peripheral location to Beirut's Downtown that's being rebuilt, the “Hawch” is subject to stress conditions. The first is an external pressure: first, in an economic order that is due to land and property speculation, the second in terms of urban densification and sprawl. The second is an internal tension coming first by the community fallback presented by its inner society facing Beirut's trend towards individualization and Westernization and secondly the "competence of the owner" to modify the space at the expense of the "Hawch"'s ecological microclimate balance. The "Hawch" comes as a response to the discourse on today's urban policy. Three intrinsic components: social, spatial and environmental landscape corresponding to the three sustainable development pillars meet the challenges of the modern city of Beirut. The potentialities of living together in the social dimension, urban spatial ecology of the spatial dimension and the environmental dimension microclimate as landscape predisposes it to persist in the contemporary city of Beirut as "Hawch" Revisited that we call the "Neo-Hawch ".