The thesis is about the assertion of identity and the maintenance of solidarity in Carnia - a mountainous area in the north east of Italy. The topic is analysed in relation to three interlocking themes: the social units which embody identity and organise cooperation; the tension between rivalrous assertion and the desire for harmonious cooperation; and the different social fields - economic activity, ritual, communication, property and prestation, kinship, and relationships with natural forces - in which the tension is acted out. Constraints on the possibilities of social organisation arise from formal characteristics specific to each field. The structuring of these social fields both shapes and reflects people's commitment to key institutions: patrilocal domestic group, corporate village, church, state, nation. The corporate village is shown to have an affinity with free choice of marriage partners (at least within the village), linguistic particularism, and state organisation. Recent changes in economic life and communications have transformed local society - leading to widespread despondency, self-conscious modernity, but also emphasis on tradition, and political regionalism. It is felt that social relationships should ideally be characterised by sympathetic cooperation and legitimate authority, but the fear is that they may collapse into - or be redefined as - conflicts involving the dangerous force of envy. Two contrasting strategies enable people to deal with this ambiguity: either use of one's own strength and vitality to exclude or overcome opposition, or identification with potential enviers and an emphasis on self-sacrifice. The strategies chosen by individual people depend on the context as well as on their sex, age, and wealth. But social solidarity requires an overall solution which assigns a legitimate role to each strategy. Implicit in the substantive analyses is a methodological point: that a structuralist approach can make a major contribution to our understanding of European societies.

Diverse sociology theoretical constructs serve as the lens to examine the evolution of two popular symbols of US culture in the last 20 years: yellow ribbons displayed as decoration and awareness ribbons worn as personal accoutrement. This research was motivated by society's weakened state of "collective consciousness," whereby shared beliefs and values have declined and some have completely disappeared, and sought to determine whether symbols will survive in a culture without commitment to the social. Invoking Christopher Lasch's Culture of Narcissism, Jean Baudrillard's Simulacra and Simulation, David Riesman's theory of other-directedness from The Lonely Crowd, and Stjepan Mestrovic's Postemotional Society, this work examined the significance of public displays of ribbons (whether on animate or inanimate objects), theorized why certain diseases and social causes "earned" their awareness ribbons and others did not, and demonstrated that these ribbons have served as multivalent symbols to accommodate our culture in a postmodern world. These symbols have not maintained their unifying function and now serve at the whim of the individual participant or observer. Ultimately, the act of wearing or displaying awareness ribbons and yellow ribbons, like so many other symbols, has been severed from the idea and is a freefloating, simulacrum to be used in whatever mode our postmodern, postemotional society requires.

Diverse sociology theoretical constructs serve as the lens to examine the evolution of two popular symbols of US culture in the last 20 years: yellow ribbons displayed as decoration and awareness ribbons worn as personal accoutrement. This research was motivated by society's weakened state of "collective consciousness," whereby shared beliefs and values have declined and some have completely disappeared, and sought to determine whether symbols will survive in a culture without commitment to the social. Invoking Christopher Lasch's Culture of Narcissism, Jean Baudrillard's Simulacra and Simulation, David Riesman's theory of other-directedness from The Lonely Crowd, and Stjepan Mestrovic's Postemotional Society, this work examined the significance of public displays of ribbons (whether on animate or inanimate objects), theorized why certain diseases and social causes "earned" their awareness ribbons and others did not, and demonstrated that these ribbons have served as multivalent symbols to accommodate our culture in a postmodern world. These symbols have not maintained their unifying function and now serve at the whim of the individual participant or observer. Ultimately, the act of wearing or displaying awareness ribbons and yellow ribbons, like so many other symbols, has been severed from the idea and is a freefloating, simulacrum to be used in whatever mode our postmodern, postemotional society requires.

The purpose of this study is to examine the rhetoric and subsequent media framing of President George W. Bush during the years following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and how such frames have been able to generate and sustain a national moral panic. While a number of scholars have explored the effect of presidential rhetoric in generating panic (53; Cohen 1972; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994; Hawdon 2001; Kappeler and Kappeler 2004), none have evaluated the effect of media framing on such rhetoric. This study will use three major sources of data: (1) National Public Opinion Data from Gallup Poll, (2) daily USA Today news articles, and (3) rates of international terrorism from the U.S. State Department. Employing a content analysis of USA Today articles pertaining to terrorism, I will evaluate the relevant themes used by the corporate media to frame the Bush administration's rhetoric, and further analyze the relationship between such rhetoric and the collective conscience across the eight years of the Bush presidency, while controlling for rates of international terrorism. / Master of Science

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Ribeiro Santiago.pdf: 878683 bytes, checksum: fa92e81737bd959f80db702eef438537 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-06 / The present thesis, entitle State of danger: a re-reading under the prism of solidarity, proposes a new understanding of the state of danger, as a defect in the legal business, resulting from the analysis in line with the commandments of social solidarity. For this purpose, the study is composed of seven chapters, namely. In the first chapter, The metamorphosis of modern State as a paradigm of the civil law, there is an analysis, in a introductory, of the context that culminated in the establishment of the Welfare State, and the innovations that this event caused in the Federal Constitution and the Civil Code, emphasizing the social solidarity and the state of danger, listing the major doubts regarding these figures. Already in the second chapter, Legal business and the pillar of the representation of the intent, we discourse, concisely, about the classification of the legal fact, the concept of legal business, their elements of existence, requisites of validity and factors of effectiveness, especially the representation of the intent and their peculiarities. Moreover, the third chapter, State of danger and vices of consent in the era of sociability and ethics, is dedicated to study the generalities of the alluded theme, as well as, XI brief and specifically, the error, malicious fraud, coercion and lesion, providing subsides for drawing a parallel between those defects and the state of danger during the thesis. The fourth chapter, Actual approach of the legal settings of state of danger, deals with the concept of this vice, their essential elements, related institutes, effects, besides bringing allusions about the situation of foreign legislations on that subject, comparing them and the position of the Brazilian legislation. With regard to the fifth chapter, A re-reading of the state of danger thought the optic of the solidarity, we abide by clarifying the content and the nature of the social solidarity, their reflections in the different areas of law, also if this one shall interfere in the comprehension of the state of danger, how it happens and with what consequences. In the sixth chapter, The state of danger in the medical and hospital contracts, we investigate the definition and the most important characteristics of that contractual specie, in addition to the possibility of the incidence of the mentioned vice in these cases, presenting the related doctrine and jurisprudence. In relation to the seventh chapter, Suggestions de lege ferenda, this is a proposal of amendments of the Civil Code about the theme in analysis, from the understanding defended in the present study, culminating in the presentation, in appendix, of a legislative bill. XII Finally, the eighth chapter is a concluding synthesis concerning this theoretical exposition, in which we reaffirm our point of view on the theme. Following that chapter, we ve nominated the bibliographic sources we ve used for the edification of this study / A tese ora exposta, intitulada Estado de perigo: uma releitura sob o prisma da solidariedade, propõe uma nova compreensão do instituto do estado de perigo, enquanto defeito do negócio jurídico, decorrente da sua análise em consonância com os mandamentos da solidariedade social. Nesse desiderato, o trabalho compõe-se de sete capítulos, a saber. No primeiro capítulo, A metamorfose do Estado moderno como paradigma do direito civil, analisa-se, de forma introdutória, o contexto que culminou com a consagração do Estado Social, e as inovações que esse evento ocasionou na Constituição Federal e no Código Civil, em especial na matéria da solidariedade social e do estado de perigo, enumerando as dúvidas acerca de tais figuras. Já no capítulo segundo, Negócio jurídico e o pilar da declaração de vontade, discorremos, resumidamente, acerca da classificação dos fatos jurídicos, conceito dos negócios jurídicos, seus elementos de existência, requisitos de validade e fatores de eficácia, com destaque para a declaração de vontade e suas peculiaridades. Fora isso, o capítulo terceiro, Estado de perigo e vícios do consentimento na era da socialidade e da eticidade, é dedicado ao estudo das noções gerais acerca de tal tema, bem VIII como, sucinta e especificamente, do erro, dolo, coação e lesão, fornecendo subsídios para que se trace um paralelo entre tais defeitos e o estado de perigo no decorrer da tese. O capítulo quarto, Enfoque atual da configuração jurídica do estado de perigo, versa sobre o conceito desse vício, seus elementos essenciais, institutos afins, efeitos, além de alusões à situação de legislações estrangeiras acerca do assunto, comparando-as entre si e com a posição da legislação brasileira. No tocante ao capítulo quinto, Uma releitura do estado de perigo pela ótica da solidariedade, atemo-nos a esclarecer o conteúdo e a natureza da solidariedade social, seus reflexos nas diversas áreas do direito, bem como se esta deve interferir na compreensão do estado de perigo, de que forma e com que consequências. No capítulo sexto, O estado de perigo nos contratos médicos e hospitalares, investigamos a definição e as principais características de tal espécie contratual, assim como a possibilidade de incidência do vício em estudo nesses casos, apresentando a doutrina e a jurisprudência correlatas. Em relação ao sétimo capítulo, Sugestões de lege ferenda, trata-se de uma proposta de alterações do Código Civil sobre o tema em análise, a partir do entendimento defendido no presente estudo, culminando com a apresentação, em apêndice, de um projeto de lei. IX Por fim, o capítulo oitavo é uma síntese conclusiva atinente à presente exposição teórica, na qual reafirmamos nosso posicionamento diante da matéria. Seguindo esse capítulo, colacionamos a lista das fontes bibliográficas utilizadas para a edificação deste trabalho

This thesis aims to provide a critical evaluation of the Third Way and its reflections on Turkish politics. The Third Way emerged in the late 1990s with a claim to provide an alternative both to the old social democracy of welfare state period and to neo-liberalism. Based on a specific account of the radically changed world, the Third Way has maintained that the new conditions have rendered the old conceptualizations, as well as the old political positions, invalid. In this sense, this thesis argues that the re-definitions of the state and society relationship, the citizenship and the global order that the Third Way theory pursue have become the hegemonic notions of the current political context. It also claims that the Third Way can be considered as a product of the common attempts maintained by various approaches to complement the competitive market mechanism with social solidarity based on a socially inclusive strategy. The reflections of the Third Way on current Turkish political atmosphere are assessed in the thesis as further proofs of the hegemonic position that the Third Way occupies.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a solidariedade social e sua projeção no sistema constitucional brasileiro, buscando definir seus contornos, fundamentos e limites na efetivação de políticas públicas e decisões judiciais. Ademais, busca-se na presente dissertação demarcar os limites e possibilidades da solidariedade enquanto valor que norteia o campo da política, notadamente na prática democrática. O estudo parte de uma análise histórica e filosófica para contextualizar a solidariedade como princípio jurídico que fundamenta direitos e deveres e que encontra nas demandas por reconhecimento das diferenças seu maior campo de incidência. Na política, a solidariedade se abre à opção de uma democracia anti-elitista que tem no conflito, na tolerância e nas divergências as pedras de toque que proporcionam uma dinâmica que respeita as diferenças e geram cooperação social por conta dessa estima intersubjetiva. Os deveres de reconhecimento intersubjetivo e de estima social possibilitam uma construção social dialógica e interacional, na qual seus sujeitos são respeitados como seres livres e iguais, dignos de igual respeito e consideração. Tal afirmativa é colocada a prova quando da viabilidade constitucional da cota racial nas Universidades Públicas brasileiras. Da mesma forma, a solidariedade se projeta para o campo jurídico devido a sua positivação na Constituição brasileira de 1988 como princípio/objetivo fundamental da República Federativa do Brasil. Deste modo, a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal vem lançando mão do princípio fundamental da solidariedade para fundamentar decisões que envolvam deveres fundamentais de redistribuição e reconhecimento. Tais decisões nos permitem traçar um conteúdo mínimo desse princípio à luz da ordem social e cultural brasileira que, aliás, não foi deixada de lado em nenhum momento no decorrer do estudo. Esse conteúdo material encontra nos deveres de redistribuição e reconhecimento, principalmente neste último, seu suporte de eficácia jurídica, viabilizando, em certos momentos, até uma aplicação direta da solidariedade por meio dos deveres. / The present dissertation seeks the analysis of social solidarity and its projection over the Brazilian Constitutional System, with the purpose of setting forth the outlines, foundations and boundaries to make effective public policies e judicial decisions. Furthermore, one of the main subjects of the present paper is to set forth the boundaries and possibilities of solidarity as a leading value to the field of Politics, mainly the practice of democracy. The study starts from a historical and philosophical analysis to introduce solidarity as a juridical principle that underlies rights and duties, finding on the recognition of differences its major field of incidence. In Politics, solidarity opens up itself as an option for an anti-elitist democracy, which has in conflict, tolerance, and divergences the cornerstone that provides a respectful dynamic of differences, generating social cooperation because of these inherent mutual esteem and respect. The duties of intersubjective recognition and social esteem enable a dialogical and interactive social construction, in which their subjects are respected as free and equal beings, deservers of equal respect and consideration. Such affirmation is put on trial when confronted with the constitutional viability of racial quota in Brazilian Public Universities. Likewise, solidarity is projected over the juridical field due to its contemplation by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 as a fundamental principle/objective of the Federal Republic of Brazil. For this reason, the jurisprudence of the Brazilian Supreme Court of Law has been constantly employing the fundamental principle of solidarity to sustain decisions involving fundamental rules of redistribution and recognition. Such decisions allow us to draw a minimum content of this principle under the light of the Brazilian social and cultural order that, by the way, were not left aside over the current work. This material content finds in the rules of redistribution and recognition, mainly the latter, its foundation for juridical efficiency, making possible, sometimes, even a direct application of solidarity through the duties.

Growing economic inequality and cultural heterogeneity has brought increased attention to the issue of 'unity in diversity', that is, the state of being joined together or being in agreement in the presence of actual and perceived differences among people. Despite the growing interest in 'politics in divided societies', many political-sociological aspects of this issue remain largely unexplored. At the heart of this thesis lies an interest in explaining how social forces shape political preferences regarding the tension between unity and diversity in contemporary democracies. More specifically, this research seeks to understand how social (and identity-based) cleavages affect public responses to the idea of solidarity-based welfare provision and the reconciliation of increased ethnic diversity with national unity (including the functioning of the welfare state). Drawing on the institutionalist view that pre-existing policy creates mass politics (policy feedback effect), the study also investigates whether institutional structures condition the association between social forces and political attitudes. Although several chapters put particular emphasis on policy feedback effects (e.g., Chapters 2, 3, and 5), they are still within the general scope of this thesis, that is, the 'social embeddedness of political attitudes'. The thesis consists of two parts: the first assesses the explanatory power of socioeconomic status and social policy structures in predicting public attitudes toward income inequality, redistribution, and taxation policies (Chapters 2 to 4), and the second examines how differences in occupational status and national identity result in differences in reactions to welfare chauvinism and multiculturalism (Chapters 5 and 6). Taken together, the findings of this study underscore the importance of social cleavages, identity, and institutional structures in explaining why and under what conditions people are more likely to sacrifice part of their private interest or particularistic identity for the common good or the general welfare of all individuals in a community, in a situation of growing economic inequality and increased cultural plurality.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a solidariedade social e sua projeção no sistema constitucional brasileiro, buscando definir seus contornos, fundamentos e limites na efetivação de políticas públicas e decisões judiciais. Ademais, busca-se na presente dissertação demarcar os limites e possibilidades da solidariedade enquanto valor que norteia o campo da política, notadamente na prática democrática. O estudo parte de uma análise histórica e filosófica para contextualizar a solidariedade como princípio jurídico que fundamenta direitos e deveres e que encontra nas demandas por reconhecimento das diferenças seu maior campo de incidência. Na política, a solidariedade se abre à opção de uma democracia anti-elitista que tem no conflito, na tolerância e nas divergências as pedras de toque que proporcionam uma dinâmica que respeita as diferenças e geram cooperação social por conta dessa estima intersubjetiva. Os deveres de reconhecimento intersubjetivo e de estima social possibilitam uma construção social dialógica e interacional, na qual seus sujeitos são respeitados como seres livres e iguais, dignos de igual respeito e consideração. Tal afirmativa é colocada a prova quando da viabilidade constitucional da cota racial nas Universidades Públicas brasileiras. Da mesma forma, a solidariedade se projeta para o campo jurídico devido a sua positivação na Constituição brasileira de 1988 como princípio/objetivo fundamental da República Federativa do Brasil. Deste modo, a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal vem lançando mão do princípio fundamental da solidariedade para fundamentar decisões que envolvam deveres fundamentais de redistribuição e reconhecimento. Tais decisões nos permitem traçar um conteúdo mínimo desse princípio à luz da ordem social e cultural brasileira que, aliás, não foi deixada de lado em nenhum momento no decorrer do estudo. Esse conteúdo material encontra nos deveres de redistribuição e reconhecimento, principalmente neste último, seu suporte de eficácia jurídica, viabilizando, em certos momentos, até uma aplicação direta da solidariedade por meio dos deveres. / The present dissertation seeks the analysis of social solidarity and its projection over the Brazilian Constitutional System, with the purpose of setting forth the outlines, foundations and boundaries to make effective public policies e judicial decisions. Furthermore, one of the main subjects of the present paper is to set forth the boundaries and possibilities of solidarity as a leading value to the field of Politics, mainly the practice of democracy. The study starts from a historical and philosophical analysis to introduce solidarity as a juridical principle that underlies rights and duties, finding on the recognition of differences its major field of incidence. In Politics, solidarity opens up itself as an option for an anti-elitist democracy, which has in conflict, tolerance, and divergences the cornerstone that provides a respectful dynamic of differences, generating social cooperation because of these inherent mutual esteem and respect. The duties of intersubjective recognition and social esteem enable a dialogical and interactive social construction, in which their subjects are respected as free and equal beings, deservers of equal respect and consideration. Such affirmation is put on trial when confronted with the constitutional viability of racial quota in Brazilian Public Universities. Likewise, solidarity is projected over the juridical field due to its contemplation by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 as a fundamental principle/objective of the Federal Republic of Brazil. For this reason, the jurisprudence of the Brazilian Supreme Court of Law has been constantly employing the fundamental principle of solidarity to sustain decisions involving fundamental rules of redistribution and recognition. Such decisions allow us to draw a minimum content of this principle under the light of the Brazilian social and cultural order that, by the way, were not left aside over the current work. This material content finds in the rules of redistribution and recognition, mainly the latter, its foundation for juridical efficiency, making possible, sometimes, even a direct application of solidarity through the duties.

This dissertation is a sociological exploration of Korean Protestant immigrant churches in the United States and the influence of Confucian traditions on them. Neo-Confucianism was accepted as the state ideology in Korea in the late fourteenth century, and its influences are still strong in Koreans' expressions of thought and worldviews, and Korean immigrants in the United States are no exception. Confucian elements are observed not only in Korean Protestant churches in Korea but also Korean immigrant churches in the United States. Thus, it can be said that Korean immigrant churches have the characteristics of a transnational religious institution. Transnationally, Confucian characteristics affect Korean churches. Further, Confucian traditions are integral to a collective consciousness for Korean immigrants, and thus their relationships and manners, based on Confucian traditions and teachings, enable them to maintain and reinforce their social solidarity. Moreover, such Confucian teachings and cultural mores are inculcated in most Koreans' habitus. As social agents, church members use symbolic capital, such as age and Confucian manners, to gain higher status in the church. In particular, age can be considered generational capital that determines and legitimizes church members' positions. Indeed, Korean Protestant churches across the Pacific can be called Confucian Protestant churches, namely, Protestant churches imbued with Confucian traditions. Korean immigrant churches are transnational and socially cohesive religious institutions that are shaped profoundly by Confucian traditions inculcated in their adherents' habitus across seas and generations. / Religion