This paper addresses the peculiar topic of western music in post 1968 Czechoslovakia with emphasis on the official music scene. It shows how western music was actually treated in Czechoslovakian society and how the image of western music was shaped within the public discourse , including many significant ambiguities. It also follows various ways (legal and also illegal) in which ordinary people used to obtain foreign music records in the era of late socialism. An analysis of actual impact of western music on Czechoslovak popular music and the role of institutions within that is also present. This paper could thus be considered as a modest contribution to the social and cultural history of socialist dictatorships.

O objeto desta dissertação é a perspectiva teórica e política elaborada pelo Partido Socialista Brasileiro entre 1945 e 1950, em particular sua relação com as teses do socialismo democrático e com o advento do Estado de Bem-Estar Social na Europa. São analisados os problemas enfrentados pela organização partidária, os dilemas políticos e as contribuições teóricas dos socialistas no imediato pós-guerra. A partir da pesquisa dos documentos do partido, da imprensa socialista e dos jornais da época, busca-se configurar de que modo os socialistas brasileiros procuraram construir um projeto próprio de democracia associada à ampliação de direitos sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, são discutidas as formas com as quais se flertava com a possibilidade da formação de um terceiro campo socialista internacional, em contraposição aos monopólios capitalistas e ao comunismo de tipo soviético. / The purpose of this dissertation is the theoretical and political perspective developed by the Brazilian Socialist Party between 1945 and 1950, in particular regarding the thesis of democratic socialism and the advent of the Welfare State in Europe. The problems faced by the party organization, political dilemmas and theoretical contributions of the Socialists in the immediate postwar era are analyzed. From the research party documents, the socialist press and the newspapers of the time, it seeks to establish which way the Brazilian socialists have sought to build their own democracy project associated with the expansion of social rights. At the same time, are discussed the forms to the possibility of forming a third international field, in contrast to capitalist monopolies and Soviet-style communism.

Ce travail de thèse a pour objet une analyse sociologique de la notion de réalisme politique. Il propose, au travers de trois approches complémentaires, un examen critique de cette notion polymorphe. La première, à partir d’une histoire des idées politiques, vise à en saisir l’émergence et l’évolution. Elle tente également d’en reconstruire les différentes traditions et filiations sociologiques (italienne, française et anglo-saxonne). La seconde approche relève d’une sociologie historique et cherche à illustrer cette notion à travers l’étude du parti socialiste français et de ses évolutions. En partant de l’hypothèse d’une contradiction initiale entre réalisme politique et socialisme, cette sociohistoire retrace la manière dont le PS, en s’institutionnalisant, a progressivement abandonné une partie de son projet de transformation de société. Basée sur un travail d’enquête mené auprès de quarante militants socialistes de la région Ile-de-France rencontrés entre 2009 et 2010, la troisième approche met en perspective la notion de réalisme politique avec le vécu et les représentations des membres actifs du parti. Outre le désarroi et la perte de sens qui traverse la militance, ce sont également les stratégies de réenchantement et de reformulation du socialisme qui y sont étudiées. Ce travail permet de faire apparaître la fonction politique du réalisme politique. Cette fonction, sous couvert de neutralité, sert à la décrédibilisation des idées et pratiques politiques jugées comme irrecevables. Le réalisme politique est en cela davantage une idéologie de la fin des idéologies et alternatives politiques qu’une véritable catégorie d’analyse du politique / The purpose of this work is to present a sociological analysis of the notion of political realism. Based on three complementary approaches, it offers a critical study of that multifaceted notion. The first approach starts from a history of political thought to try and delineate the emergence of the notion and its evolution. The perspective also aims at retracing the various sociological traditions and offshoots (the Italian, French and Anglo-Saxon branches) derived from it. In the context of historical sociology, the second approach seeks to illustrate the notion through the study of the French Socialist Party and its evolutions. Starting from the premise that political realism and socialism are initially contradictory, this socio-historical approach follows the way in which, by becoming institutionalized, the French Socialist Party has gradually relinquished part of its agenda for a transformation of society. Resting on a survey conducted between 2009 and 2010 with forty socialist militants from the Ile-de-France région, the third approach examines the notion of political realism in the light of the actual experiences and representations of the Party’s active members. The study thus focuses both on the sense of disarray and aimlessness pervading militancy, and on the strategies of reenchantment and reformulation of socialism. This analysis allows to expose the political function of political realism. Under cover of neutrality, that function can be used to discredit the political ideas and practices which are considered as inadmissible. In that sense, political realism is rather an ideology of the end of political ideologies and alternatives, than an actual category for the analysis of politics

La question posée par cette thèse est de savoir dans quelle mesure les adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité peuvent être considérés comme des acteurs engagés dans un travail de notabilisation politique faisant de leur délégation des espaces de recrutement et de mobilisation de soutiens. En posant cette interrogation, nous souhaitons questionner les rôles de ces adjoints et les usages qu'ils font de leur délégation en lien avec les pratiques clientélaires de l'activité politique. C'est le projet de cette thèse qui vise à éclairer la transformation de l'économie des délégations dédiées à la démocratie de proximité, de leur fondement symbolique et matériel et de leurs usages en relation avec la transformation des configurations politico-administratives dans lesquelles évoluent les adjoints. Nous montrerons ainsi qu'un enjeu central de la prise de rôle des adjoints en charge de la démocratie de proximité réside dans leur capacité à mobiliser les ressources de leur délégation en biens de fidélisation politique, de satisfaction matérielle transmise sur la base d'échanges personnalisés. Aussi, loin des objectifs normatifs affichés par les promoteurs de la participation citoyenne, cette offre municipale fait l'objet d'usages clientélaires. De ce point du vue, la réactivation de l'offre participative observée dans le gouvernement municipal d'Hélène Mandroux traduit une tentative de reconfiguration des échanges clientélaires institutionnalisés depuis plus de trente ans et portés par des coalitions d'acteurs dans lesquelles adjoints et représentants associatifs partagent des intérêts autrement plus déterminants que des principes moraux ou idéologiques. / The question treated by this thesis is to know to what extent mayor's councilors in charge of participatory projects use their executive position to build political leadership by recruitment and mobilization of supports among local society. By putting this interrogation, we analyze the role of these councilors and the use of their institutional resources in connection with clientelist practices of political activity. The demonstration aims at enlightening the transformation of executive positions dedicated to participatory democracy, their symbolic and material foundation and their uses in relation with the transformation of municipalities' political and administrative configurations. We demonstrate that those councilors convert their executive resources into material satisfaction transmitted on the basis of personalized exchanges with citizens. Far from the normative objectives promoted by political actors, participatory tools are in fact clientelist tools. Form this point of view, the reactivation of participatory offer observed in Montpellier in 2008 is an attempt lead by new political actors to reconfigure clientelist exchanges institutionalized over the past twenty years.

Abstract Identity politics is about who you identify as and which group you choose to belong to. The left is often said to be using identity politics. The purpose of this essay is to analyze two Scandinavian countries, Norway and Sweden’s, left parties and see if they use identity politics in their election manifestos. To analyze them I’ve chosen to do both a bigger qualitative idea- and ideology analysis and a smaller quantitative content analysis. I found the most common definition of identity politics and used this for my analysis. The theory I choose for my essay is Vivian A. Schmidts Discursive institutionalism where she talks about the importance of idées and discourse to explain change in institution and lawmaking. I also looked at previous research about party change and idea impact. My essay shows that both parties use identity politics, although the Swedish party uses it a little more than the Norwegian one. It also shows that it has not been a steady increase over the years, it has gone up and down for both parties.

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This thesis seeks to capture the changed political climate after 1948 in the Czechoslovak village. It examines one political Sedlčany district, which was very specific in term of industrial backwardness and depopulation after World War II. It consisted of a specific marginal share of industrial production and low population density. The starting point is the work of Communist propaganda at the district level. The second chapter deals with the theoretical definition, especially socio-cultural propaganda as a concept, is looking for its solution, goals and different definitions. Another chapter deals with general history Sedlčany and regional specifics. The fourth and fifth chapter focuses on the local structure of the district committee and the lower components of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in the region and social transformation of society as a whole in the first half of the fifties in the country. The second part of the thesis is devoted to defining the scope of direct advertising strategies and resources. Most of the work deals with propaganda, describing the district level, monitors the work of the district committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, analyzes the rural district newspaper articles and records the memories of witnesses. The remaining chapters deal with the practical...

A presente Dissertação de Mestrado tem por objetivo resgatar através da História os aspectos que mais marcaram a organização econômica moçambicana, principalmente, entre os anos 1975 a 1986. Período este em que a FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) adotou o Marxismo-Leninismo como o modelo de organização econômica, política e social. Porém, faz também um rescaldo dos aspetos relacionados com a organização econômica colonial portuguesa, depois herdada pelo primeiro governo independente do país. Especificamente, este estudo faz uma abordagem das opções estruturais do modelo de desenvolvimento socialista de Moçambique pós-colonial até os finais dos anos oitenta. Dentro deste processo, assinalo que o meu objetivo não consistia na apresentação de uma organização geral da História da economia socialista moçambicano, mas em inscrever o meu contributo na continuidade de uma reflexão multifacetada, iniciada há largos anos pelas gerações anteriores. / This Master Dissertation objective rescues the aspects that marked the Mozambican economic organization, especially between the years between 1975 and 1986, when FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) adopted Marxism-Leninism as the model of economic, political and social organization. However, it also makes an aftermath of the aspects related to the Portuguese colonial economic organization, which was later inherited by the first independent government in the country. Specifically, this study is an approach to structural options of the socialist model of development of post-colonial Mozambique until the end of the eighties. Within this process it has developed a centrally planned economy to overcome the inherited colonial capitalism in order to ensure compliance of the State leftist politics with the people\'s interests.

This work reconsiders the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Great Depression and the unaffiliated social-democratic movement developed by those who left the Socialist Party to join President Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition. The substance and implications of socialism’s revival in the 1930s have received insufficient attention, overshadowed by an emphasis on the character and impact of American communism. Viewed over multiple decades, socialists remained relevant in the labor movement. Their integration into the New Deal coalition confounds claims that American socialists were too rigid and programmatic in their beliefs to be effective political actors in the United States. Their shift from a revolutionary socialism to a pragmatic embrace of social democracy suggests that socialists were able to find an accommodation with both capitalism and with the Democratic Party. For much of the Depression, the Socialist Party was a vibrant political force on the American left, challenging the mainstream parties to address the economic crisis, creating a space in which women claimed leadership, and provided a cohort of skilled organizers for the labor movement. During the revival, women were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts, provided vital election support, publically debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity, and held important offices within the party. Socialists also built institutions. Highlander and Soviet House, two institutions that must be understood within their proper socialist contexts, developed out of the radicalism fostered by Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Theological Seminary. Radical young socialists, drawn to Reinhold Niebuhr’s pessimistic critique of capitalism, carried their belief that capitalism was in its terminal crisis into the SP’s Revolutionary Policy Committee. Their energy yielded impressive organization success for the labor movement. The continued intellectual coherence of socialists in the decades after the revival suggest that evolving socialist ideas survived within and at odds with the New Deal coalition. Far from abandoning socialism, those socialists who participated in the New Deal coalition maintained a distinctive set of ideas. The existence of a strong cohort of women in the Socialist Party’s revival runs contrary to scholars’ claims that women did not play a significant role in the Socialist Party after the early 1920s. Socialist women rebuilt socialist institutions during the Depression. They were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts; provided vital election support; debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity; and held offices within the party. Viewed from within the confines of parties and elections, the history of the socialist movement in the United States appears limited in its scope and importance. During the 1930s, socialists’ successful municipal projects were eclipsed by rising factionalism and the unrequited attraction of revolution. Socialists seemed much less interesting and their critiques less incisive and useful when mired in historical accounts that give primacy to factional feuds and electoral politics. This was not the entirety of the socialist experience in the 1930s. Socialists did fight amongst themselves and against communists, primarily with words but also with fists. They also served as productive forces and provided significant leadership within the labor movement. Throughout those decades, they continued to distinguish themselves from other trade unionists. Socialists retained their class-based critique of American society even as they softened their ideas about the remedies that they intended to employ to make that society more equitable.

Since the introduction in 1986 of Doi Moi program, a Vietnamese form of Perestroika, which was designed partly to reduce the role of state bureaucracy in the system, major economic reforms have been carried out in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV). However, while Vietnam's economic reforms have generated considerable interest, its limited political reforms, especially in the area of public administration, have not been a central concern among political scientists, historians and researchers. In their efforts to revitalise the state bureaucracy, reformers in Vietnam now recognise the importance of well qualified bureaucrats, and they inevitably have to face the old issue of how best to attract, motivate, train and retain public servants for a better government. This paper, based on the search through the maze of official documents in Vietnamese language, describes the SRV's political institutions, provides an overview of Vietnam's administrative system against the backdrop of the country's economic and political reforms, highlighting institutional interactions induced by reform imperatives, discusses recent administrative reforms emanating from the amended 1992 Constitution, and evaluates the effectiveness of current administrative reform strategies. Comments will also be made on . The roles and functions of central agencies in Vietnam . Policy making processes and paradigms . The 'emerging' dichotomy between policy and administration . The 'ministerial department' a la Vietnamienne . Machinery of government changes . Human resource management initiatives . The 'career service' nature of the Vietnamese public service, and, . Central versus provincial governments. Vietnamese Public Service is an important question and worthy of investigation because of the increasingly close bilateral relationship between Australia and Vietnam. Many Australian investors who have often been annoyed by unnecessary delays caused by bureaucratic red tape and corruption, are now keen to learn more about the policy making style of Vietnamese bureaucrats. Vietnam still displays many deliberate trappings of a country run in a highly centralist fashion. Its reorganisation strategy of the state's administrative system will continue to bear the socialist imprints. Dr David Marr of the Australian National University contends that layer upon layer of bureaucratic influence, from Chinese Neo-Confucian to French Third Republic to Soviet Stalinist, can be seen in Vietnam today. This paper argues that Vietnam's political and cultural legacies will continue to exercise significant influence, as they have in the past, on its public service's structures, strategies and ethics.