No description available.

The nation stood in either awe or disbelief when Bernie Sanders, a political Independent, only recently turned Democrat, defeated the establishment candidate and former first lady, Hillary Clinton, in the early 2016 New Hampshire primary. As the primaries concluded, it became clear that Sanders’ message resonated. But why was this the case after eight years of “hope and change” under the Obama administration? Furthermore, to what extent did Sanders align with traditional Democrats or traditional Socialists and how can we understand the unprecedented success of a presidential candidate who identifies with socialism? My thesis seeks to answer these puzzles. I do so by: interviewing Sanders supporters, investigating the development of American Socialism and Sanders’ own political identity, and analyzing the economic and social factors leading up to the 2016 primaries. Ultimately, my thesis proposes that Sanders’ ability to win over twelve million votes in the Democratic Party primaries stems from his creation of his own brand of socialism that merged traditional socialist principles of championing the working person with the economic and social realities of twenty first century middle-class America.

O objeto desta dissertação é a perspectiva teórica e política elaborada pelo Partido Socialista Brasileiro entre 1945 e 1950, em particular sua relação com as teses do socialismo democrático e com o advento do Estado de Bem-Estar Social na Europa. São analisados os problemas enfrentados pela organização partidária, os dilemas políticos e as contribuições teóricas dos socialistas no imediato pós-guerra. A partir da pesquisa dos documentos do partido, da imprensa socialista e dos jornais da época, busca-se configurar de que modo os socialistas brasileiros procuraram construir um projeto próprio de democracia associada à ampliação de direitos sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, são discutidas as formas com as quais se flertava com a possibilidade da formação de um terceiro campo socialista internacional, em contraposição aos monopólios capitalistas e ao comunismo de tipo soviético. / The purpose of this dissertation is the theoretical and political perspective developed by the Brazilian Socialist Party between 1945 and 1950, in particular regarding the thesis of democratic socialism and the advent of the Welfare State in Europe. The problems faced by the party organization, political dilemmas and theoretical contributions of the Socialists in the immediate postwar era are analyzed. From the research party documents, the socialist press and the newspapers of the time, it seeks to establish which way the Brazilian socialists have sought to build their own democracy project associated with the expansion of social rights. At the same time, are discussed the forms to the possibility of forming a third international field, in contrast to capitalist monopolies and Soviet-style communism.

This thesis deals with the German political party "Die Linke" (The Left). Die Linke was founded in 2007 by merging two different parties, namely Linkspartei.PDS, which was preceded by the ruling party of the GDR, and WASG, composed of West German activists and former party members of the Social Democratic Party. The opening parts contain definitions of basic terminology and a brief history of parties preceding Die Linke. The following sections deal with how the dual history of the party reflects in its organisation, its program and electorate. The party programs are also used to analyze its key program points and their evolution over time. The party's ideology is also examined. This thesis also deals with the current position of Die Linke within the German party system, in terms of both the voters and election results, and relations with other relevant parties.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Henrique Goncalves da Silva.pdf: 1834076 bytes, checksum: a485d186e8c7982893fdca62475b73b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation analyzes the formation and development of the political thought of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores - PT) between the years 1987 to 1991. It seeks to understand the debates about the categories of democracy and socialism and, therefore, the appropriation of the notion of democracy as a universal value, from a eurocomunist reading of the main theses and categories of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. It analyzes the discussions of concepts such as mass party, state, accumulation of power, hegemony, real socialism and democratic socialism". In this investigative path, we studied magazine articles from Teoria e Debate (Theory and Discussion) and political resolutions of Meetings and National Congresses, both official documents of the Workers Party (PT). Still looking to grasp the historical process of formation of the PT theory taking into account their relationship with both the Brazilian left which emerges, as with the character of the "democratic left" in the world as a whole. In this way we can note that PT, despite of being proposed as a "new historical", itself engenders the same problems that agonized left in its history, considering that by rejecting to undertake a deep theoretical analysis of reality, PT becomes the victim of electioneering practices and proposals for better ways of administering the capital, in the speech program for economic growth and income distribution. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of "real socialism" consolidated a process of abandonment of Marxist theories and definition of "democratic socialism", in other words the option for the defense of "democratic path to socialism" emphasizes the centrality of the passage from work, typical of Marx's ontology, to the centrality of politics. In this change, Marxist references have been definitely abandoned, the ones which still hovered and, instead, they feature post-modern and liberal features. We found during the research appropriations issues about the main theses of Karl Marx. We seek from the Marxian legacy show the limits of political democracy as the ultimate form of freedom, because it rests on pillars of society ruled by capital. By demonstrating the negative nature of politics, we evidenced by the Marxist bringing in order to overcome the politics and the capital in favor of the human emancipation / Esta dissertação analisa a formação e o desenvolvimento do pensamento político do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre os anos de 1987 a 1991. Busca compreender os debates acerca das categorias de democracia e de socialismo e, com isso, a apropriação da noção da democracia como um valor universal, a partir de uma leitura eurocomunista das principais teses e categorias do marxista italiano Antônio Gramsci. Para tanto, analisa discussões acerca de conceitos como: partido de massas, Estado, acumulação de forças, hegemonia, socialismo real e socialismo democrático . Nesse percurso investigativo, nos debruçamos sobre artigos da revista Teoria e Debate e resoluções políticas dos Encontros e Congressos Nacionais, ambos os documentos oficiais do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Procuramos, ainda, apreender o processo histórico de formação teórica do PT levando em conta a sua relação tanto com a esquerda brasileira da qual emerge, quanto com o caráter da esquerda democrática no mundo em geral. De modo que podemos notar que o PT, apesar de se propor como novidade histórica , engendra em si os mesmos problemas que agonizaram a esquerda em sua história, haja vista que ao rejeitar empreender uma análise teórica profunda da realidade, se torna vítima de práticas eleitoreiras e de propostas de melhores formas de administração do capital, sob o discurso de programa de crescimento econômico e distribuição de renda. A queda do Muro de Berlim e a derrocada do socialismo real consolidaram um processo de abandono das teses marxistas e de definição do socialismo democrático , ou seja, a opção pela defesa da via democrática para o socialismo evidencia a passagem da centralidade do trabalho, própria da ontologia marxiana, para a centralidade da política. Nesta mudança, foram abandonadas, em definitivo, referências marxistas que ainda pairavam e, em seu lugar, passaram a figurar elementos pósmodernos e liberais. Encontramos ao longo da pesquisa apropriações problemáticas acerca das principais teses de Karl Marx. Procuramos a partir do legado marxiano evidenciar os limites da democracia política, como a última forma de liberdade, pois se assenta sob pilares da sociedade regida pelo capital. Ao demonstrar a natureza negativa da política, evidenciamos a propositura marxiana pela superação da política e do capital e em favor da emancipação humana

The collapse of the communist regimes came at the time of the overall decline of the Left, both in the West and the East. In the Eastern Bloc, much of the Left's language was disqualified as a result of its association with the former communist regime, the rejection of which formed the basis of post-communist democratic identities. Although the post-communist situation was generally seen as unfavourable for leftist thought, it nevertheless represented a liberation from a regime which, in many respects, supressed leftist criticism. Social changes in 1989, guided by mass peoples' movements, enabled the Left to understand these changes through their own conceptual apparatus and integrate them with their own expectations. The defensive position of the Left and the "liberal consensus" of the nineties led the alternative leftist thought to profile itself as a leftist criticism of liberal democracy. However marginal their political position was, left-wing oriented authors tried to advocate alternative economic and social structures to those of capitalism, rejecting current pro-capitalist values and practices (consumerism, neoliberalism) and rethinking the changes in private ownership, redistribution of wealth and common values. Key words: Left, liberal consensus, 1989, democratic socialism, post-communism

No description available.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

This research, has relevance in the wake of dwindling aid channelled to the third world rural poor. This study has explored ways of breaking away from benevolence and economism. The research explores four objectives that are focussed on scanning the boundary, in terms of challenges and possible solutions. This provides some in-depth understanding of challenges that face the process of establishing self-sustaining institutions of development. In the last two objectives, the research explores some programming alternatives that would enhance the establishment of democratic and participatory organisations that maximise social capital and grassroots democratisation. A list of guidelines specific to institutions has been drawn. The results of the survey reveal that sustainability cannot be predicted due to the uncertainties and ambiguities associated with project success. The hypothesis that participation and grassroots democratisation facilitates project success has been validated and there was greater project success in participatory organisations, given the baseline context. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

<p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p>