Thesis (Ph. D.)--Stanford University, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-317).

Thesis (master's)--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München, 2005/2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-124).

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T04:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Polese_Pablo_M.pdf: 3234498 bytes, checksum: da6c5752529ac8e92628f05edba40bc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Nossa pesquisa busca demonstrar o modo como o teórico marxista István Mészáros trata das questões relativas aos limites e possibilidades da política na transição socialista, bem como aos problemas inerentes à chamada linha de menor resistência do capital. A fim de permitir ao leitor o contato com minha interpretação acerca de aspectos da contribuição dada por Mészáros ao debate acerca da teoria da transição do século XXI, optei pelo desenvolvimento teórico de alguns temas do legado político de Karl Marx que foram resgatados, apropriados e incorporados de forma crítica por Mészáros. Tais aspectos do legado marxiano nos parecem essenciais ao entendimento da teoria de Mészáros e dotados de destacada importância no debate contemporâneo. Dada a amplitude da problemática em tela e os limites inerentes a esse trabalho, tivemos de privilegiar apenas um dos problemas subjacentes aos limites e possibilidades da política na transição para além do capital: a questão do fenecimento do Estado. Tal escolha se deve à evidente relevância do tema à teoria da transição socialista, bem como devido ao destaque dado por Mészáros a essa problemática / Abstract: Our research seeks to demonstrate how the Marxist theorist István Mészáros deals with issues concerning the limits and possibilities of politics in socialist transition, and the problems inherent in the so-called line of least resistance of the capital. In order to allow the reader an adequate understanding of the contribution given by Mészáros to the debate about the theory of the transition from twenty-first century, we chose the demonstration of some aspects of the political legacy of Karl Marx who were rescued, and incorporated appropriate critically by Mészáros. These aspects of the Marxian legacy in seem essential to the understanding of the theory of Mészáros and featuring outstanding importance in the contemporary debate. Given the breadth of the problems and limits of this work, we had to focus on just one aspect of the limits and possibilities of politics in transition beyond the capital: the question of the withering away of the state. This choice is due to the obvious relevance of the issue to the theory of socialist transition, as well as due to the prominence given to this problem by Mészáros / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T14:04:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cilia_GustavoBianezzi_M.pdf: 2374178 bytes, checksum: 88e75cc9af1b35f6eca9afd21449551d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O partido boliviano Movimiento al Socialismo nasceu de uma federação de camponeses ligados ao plantio de coca no interior do país e mesmo com poucos recursos e experiência administrativa tornou-se o partido dominante do país a partir da eleição de Evo Morales em 2005. De forma particular à dinâmica política vivenciada neste período o partido manteve uma estrutura pouco institucionalizada e alto grau de variação em sua organização de acordo com arranjos locais. Utilizando-se da análise de instituições e da historiografia das demandas e grupos políticos este trabalho busca superar alguns obstáculos presentes na análise do MAS a partir de dois recortes distintos. Em primeiro lugar busca demonstrar como os cocaleiros encabeçaram uma rede de movimentos sociais insurgentes que, construída como alternativa política em um momento de crise no sistema partidário, impõese como um incipiente sistema político de representação popular em um país notadamente fragmentado neste sentido. Em segundo lugar busca encontrar as raízes deste sucesso nas tensões históricas que persistem como demandas populares desde a colonização espanhola, analisando a resignificação destas rupturas durante momentos de construção da identidade política nacional como a Revolução de 52 e a crise do neoliberalismo na virada do século XXI. Juntas, estas duas dinâmicas estruturantes (formação de rede de movimentos sociais e resignificação do discurso nacional-popular) sinalizam para a construção de um novo sistema político naquele país / Abstract: The Bolivian party 'Movimiento al Socialismo' [Movement towards Socialism] was born out of a federation of peasant coca growers in the rural area and even with few resources and no admnistrative experience has become the dominant party in that country with the election of Evo Morales in 2005. In a way characteristic of the political dynamics of the period the party has kept a poorly institutionalized structure and a high degree of variation in its organization according to local arrangements. Making use of institutional analysis and the historiography of demands and political groups this work seeks to adress some obstacles present in any analysis of the MAS with two different approaches. In the first place, it seeks to demonstrate how coca growers led an insurgent network of social movements that, built from the start as a political alternative in a moment of crisis in the party system, presents itself as a starting political system of popular representation in a country markedly fragmented on this subject. In the second place, it seeks to find the roots of this success on the historical tensions that persisted as popular demands since the Spanish colonization, being resignified in particular moments of construction of the national political identity such as the Revolution of 52 and the crisis of the neoliberal model at the end of the XX century. Together, these two structuring processes (both the network of social movements and the rebuilding of a national-popular discourse) signal the construction of a new political system in that country / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

The purpose of the present study is to identify the participants in the British socialist movement who worked in the Second International. The Second International was a confederation of socialist groups from over twenty nations who tried to carry on the work of Marx in the years of its existence, from 1889 to the outbreak of World War One in 1914. the study explains the political work of the Independent Labour Party, the Social Democratic Federation, and the Fabian Society, all of which gained focus from their membership in the International. The findings of the present study are that the focus of the British socialist movement in the period from 1889 to 1914 came from the Second International, an organization that British socialists helped to form and through which they were able to formulate an effective political party that lasted long after the world war they were powerless to prevent. It was this triumph which gave evidence of their special kind of optimism.

This study addresses the topic of class consciousness and the radical educator. Using the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy and Marxist humanism I examine the impact of formative experience and class consciousness on my own radical praxis across three continents. The methodology of auto/biography is used to interrogate my own life history. I excavate my own formative experience in Scotland, Canada and my radical praxis as a human rights educator in Ghana West Africa. The study is particularly interested in the possibility of a radical educator transgressing across race, whiteness and gender while working in Ghana, West Africa. Chapter One begins by discussing the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy, Marxist humanism and theories of the self. Chapter Two assesses the methodology of auto/biography,research methods and an introduction to formative experience. Chapter Three, Four and Five contain excavation sites from Scotland, Canada and Ghana with accompanying analysis. Chapter Six concludes with a summary of research findings.

This study addresses the topic of class consciousness and the radical educator. Using the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy and Marxist humanism I examine the impact of formative experience and class consciousness on my own radical praxis across three continents. The methodology of auto/biography is used to interrogate my own life history. I excavate my own formative experience in Scotland, Canada and my radical praxis as a human rights educator in Ghana West Africa. The study is particularly interested in the possibility of a radical educator transgressing across race, whiteness and gender while working in Ghana, West Africa. Chapter One begins by discussing the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy, Marxist humanism and theories of the self. Chapter Two assesses the methodology of auto/biography,research methods and an introduction to formative experience. Chapter Three, Four and Five contain excavation sites from Scotland, Canada and Ghana with accompanying analysis. Chapter Six concludes with a summary of research findings.