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Pourquoi certains dispositifs participatifs brésiliens réunissent-ils principalement des acteurs habituellement peu participants ? Cette thèse s'attache à analyser une participation « improbable » à partir de l'étude des conférences municipales des femmes de Recife et de Londrina. A la différence des analyses « institutionnelles » qui placent le design des dispositifs en facteur explicatif des pratiques de participation, notre approche vise à mettre en évidence leur ancrage social et l'intrication entre le jeu social et le « jeu participatif ». L'hypothèse développée est que la mobilisation des déshéritées dans les conférences des femmes dépend principalement des enjeux propres à l'espace des quartiers populaires et, plus précisément, des luttes pour la représentation en leur sein. Cette thèse repose sur la combinaison de plusieurs niveaux d'analyse : une approche micro-sociologique d'abord, centrée sur les trajectoires et les pratiques de participation des habitantes et une approche méso-sociologique ensuite, visant à rendre compte de l'émergence de la démocratie participative au Brésil. Ces deux niveaux permettent de montrer que la participation des plus démunis aux dispositifs participatifs est le résultat d'une histoire singulière, au cours de laquelle la notion de participation a été associée à un territoire, les quartiers populaires, et des dynamiques individuelles et collectives de construction de leurs porte-parole légitimes / Why do several Brazilian participatory institutions gather people who usually do not participate? This thesis attempts to analyse an “improbable” participation through the case of women's municipal conferences in Recife and Londrina. Although several studies highlight the role of participatory institutions designs to explain why people participate, I argue that it is the intricacy between social and participatory games which explains this mobilization. My main hypothesis is that poor women's participation depends on issues specific to popular districts and more precisely on the competition for representation in those territories.This doctoral research combines two levels of analysis: a microlevel approach, first, based on the study of women's trajectory and their practices of participation; a mesolevel approach, then, which aims at analyzing the emergence of participatory democracy in Brazil. These two levels of analysis show that poor women participation is the result of a singular history, during which the category participation has been linked to a territory, the popular districts, as well as individuals and collective dynamics of construction of legitimate spokespersons within them

This investigation is to determine the extent of male participation in home economics courses in public schools. Related questionnaires were completed by participants and results tabulated. It was determined that the student's own interest, and their perception of how homemaking will help later are influencing factors for enrollment in homemaking classes. Food preparation, getting along with others, grooming, clothing selection and construction and using new equipment properly are areas of interest to male students. The belief that homemaking is for girls, and the lack of interest in the content and activities of homemaking classes account for the low male participation. Community understanding, friendly attitudes of counselors, a well equipped department, and practical homemaking courses could attract more male participation.

This diploma thesis focuses on the sociolinguistic analysis of the language of female characters in a play, musical and film. The theoretical part summarizes sociolinguistic literature and it also scrutinizes the current findings of the influence of gender, social class and identity on language. These concepts are discussed both from linguistic and sociological point of view. The practical part is aimed at the analysis of woman's language in George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion and its two adaptations, the musical My Fair Lady and the film Pretty Woman. It deals with the change of the main characters that become representatives of upper social class. The change is discussed diachronically in terms of language, especially pronunciation, lexis, grammar and style, but also in terms of identity and social class.

The first part of the thesis comprises Chapters 1 to 40 of the novel, written under a pseudonym, followed by a synopsis of the remaining chapters, 41 to 155. The potential jacket copy will refer to the protagonists, a male and a female detective. The second part of the thesis is a critical study of the novel. Literary theory and critical methods are used to investigate the writing process and to explicate the text’s layers of meaning, not all of which were clear to the author at the time of writing. Chapter 1 considers literary and creative writing theory, paying particular attention to conceptualisations of author and reader. In Chapter 2, the chosen pseudonym is explained and compared with those of other authors; the novel’s title is also examined. Chapter 3 covers the issue of genre, looking at theories and discussing both crime novel and Gothic fiction. In Chapter 4, critical approaches to character are applied. Chapter 5 does the same with plot. Chapters 6 and 7 take account of the manifestations of power. Chapter 6 covers the body and gender, while Chapter 7 deals with race and class. As a conclusion, Chapter 8 describes how the first draft was transformed to one acceptable for publication.

<p>This thesis deals with the space for action available to women of the regional elite. The interaction of such categories as gender and class are discussed. The overall purpose is to describe and analyze the role of the county governor’s wife during the period 1900- 1940. The study takes its point of departure in the lives of Ellen Widén and Hanna Rydh, both wives of county governors, and especially treats the area of cultural heritage as the potential public arena for women. Special attention is focused on the cultural heritage as a possible public sphere of activity for women at that time. Cultural heritage has been defined as the cultural and material expressions that were regarded as possessing symbolic value and that have therefore been the focus for various kinds of preservation. Cultural heritage is associated here with a growing field for professional interest and work.</p><p>Women in general were given specific tasks within the nation. One of these was to safeguard aesthetic and cultural characteristics within the nation, the province and the home region. By working within the sphere of cultural heritage, with arts and crafts and with the preservation of the home region, women were regarded as links between the older and younger generations. The specific characteristics of the home region could be expressed through various textiles. The work of creating specific parish costumes can be seen as one of many examples of a female cultural heritage.</p><p>The study has shown that the wives of county governors could have a direct and immediate influence on activities in the area of cultural heritage. This research has established that these women formed a more independent power factor than earlier research has maintained. The county governor’s wife did not automatically gain a position of power. She had potential power, an opportunity derived from both class and gender. To transform this potential into power and influence demanded success and skill in the field.</p><p>When Hanna Rydh, the wife of a county governor, declared herself a candidate for the position of county governor in 1938, it was too much of a challenge to the prevailing gender order. Through a form of ”tyranny of difference” women were prevented from establishing themselves within public spheres that were more masculine by tradition. This could be true of specific fields or of the formal power exercised by the parliament, the government and public offices. If the female elite challenged the men of their own class, their opportunities were circumscribed. I have chosen therefore to speak of both power and “non-power.” Within certain contexts there were good opportunities for the regional female elite to obtain their own space for action. Yet, in other situations the limitations were greater than the opportunities; “non-power” also existed. </p>

This thesis deals with the space for action available to women of the regional elite. The interaction of such categories as gender and class are discussed. The overall purpose is to describe and analyze the role of the county governor’s wife during the period 1900- 1940. The study takes its point of departure in the lives of Ellen Widén and Hanna Rydh, both wives of county governors, and especially treats the area of cultural heritage as the potential public arena for women. Special attention is focused on the cultural heritage as a possible public sphere of activity for women at that time. Cultural heritage has been defined as the cultural and material expressions that were regarded as possessing symbolic value and that have therefore been the focus for various kinds of preservation. Cultural heritage is associated here with a growing field for professional interest and work. Women in general were given specific tasks within the nation. One of these was to safeguard aesthetic and cultural characteristics within the nation, the province and the home region. By working within the sphere of cultural heritage, with arts and crafts and with the preservation of the home region, women were regarded as links between the older and younger generations. The specific characteristics of the home region could be expressed through various textiles. The work of creating specific parish costumes can be seen as one of many examples of a female cultural heritage. The study has shown that the wives of county governors could have a direct and immediate influence on activities in the area of cultural heritage. This research has established that these women formed a more independent power factor than earlier research has maintained. The county governor’s wife did not automatically gain a position of power. She had potential power, an opportunity derived from both class and gender. To transform this potential into power and influence demanded success and skill in the field. When Hanna Rydh, the wife of a county governor, declared herself a candidate for the position of county governor in 1938, it was too much of a challenge to the prevailing gender order. Through a form of ”tyranny of difference” women were prevented from establishing themselves within public spheres that were more masculine by tradition. This could be true of specific fields or of the formal power exercised by the parliament, the government and public offices. If the female elite challenged the men of their own class, their opportunities were circumscribed. I have chosen therefore to speak of both power and “non-power.” Within certain contexts there were good opportunities for the regional female elite to obtain their own space for action. Yet, in other situations the limitations were greater than the opportunities; “non-power” also existed.