Le système scolaire chilien a été parmi les premiers à instaurer un « pilotage par la qualité ». La Fondation Chili a été l’un des principaux acteurs de cette institutionnalisation. Le but de cette recherche doctorale est de découvrir comment les consultants en qualité de la Fondation Chili ont utilisé les objets techniques (Simondon, 1989) de leur boîte à outils pour influer sur l’implication des chefs d’établissements et de leurs équipes dans le processus d’institutionnalisation du pilotage par la qualité. Le champ de cohérence scientifique de cette recherche est celui de l’analyse institutionnelle (Lamihi & Monceau, 2002). Sept des dix anciens collègues du chercheur, toujours actifs comme consultants ont participé à cette recherche. Le dispositif de recherche a eu pour objectif prioritaire de permettre l’expression individuelle et collective des consultants pour faire émerger leurs implications en provocant des transductions dans leurs discours. La collecte des données empiriques a été effectuée à travers des entretiens individuels et collectifs, enregistrées en vidéo (Pesce, 2017). Le dispositif filmique a facilité la mise en réflexivité (Lallier, 2009 ; Rouch, 1979) des consultants sur leurs parcours et leurs pratiques au sein de la Fondation Chili. Pour élargir le champ d’analyse, quelques outils propres à l’analyse institutionnelle ont été intégrés au dispositif. Il s’agit tout d’abord de l’utilisation des analyseurs qui ont surgi des entretiens, ce que Lourau (1978) nommait des analyseurs naturels. J’ai également effectué une restitution des résultats avec celui des participants qui a été mon informateur privilégié, ceci afin d’affiner mes analyses. Enfin, l’écriture d’un journal de recherche a été essentielle pour l’analyse de mes propres implications primaires et secondaires en tant que praticien-chercheur. / The chilean school system has been among the first to introduce a « pilotage by the quality ». The Foundation Chile was one of the main actors of this institutionalization. The purpose of this doctoral research is to discover how the consultants in quality of the Foundation Chile have used the technical objects (Simondon, 1989) of their toolbox to influence the implication of school principals and their teams in the process of institutionalization of the pilotage by the quality. The field of scientific coherence of this research is that of the institutional analysis (Lamihi & Monceau, 2002). Seven of the ten former colleagues of the researcher are participated in this research. The research apparatus had for priority objective to allow the individual and collective expression of consultants, to make emerge their implications and by provoking transductions in their discourse. The collection of empirical data has been carried out through individual and collective interviews, all recorded in video (Pesce, 2017). The film apparatus facilitated the reflexivity (Lallier, 2009 ; Rouch, 1979) of consultants on their backgrounds and their practices within the Foundation Chile. To broaden the field of analysis, a few specific tools of the institutional analysis have been integrated to the research apparatus. The use of the analyzers which arose from interviews, that Lourau (1978) appointed of natural analyzers. I have also carried out a restitution of the results with that of participants who was my informant privileged, this in order to refine my analyzes. Finally, the writing of a diary study has been essential for the analysis of my own primary and secondary implications as a practitioner-researcher.

This ethnographic study in medical anthropology is a critically interpretative analysis of fieldwork documentation I recorded during field research conducted in the mining city of Mount Isa in the far northwest of Queensland during the 1980s. Eighteen months of participant observation research was undertaken over four fieldtrips (1981-82, 1983, 1985 and 1988) at inter-connected locations: two urban reserves for Aborigines and the people I refer to as the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the local hospital and a group of hospital resident medical officers who I refer to as the Residents. During the field research I found that both Reserve Dwellers and the Residents experienced a difficult relationship during their interactions in medical consultations in the hospital clinics. Now in this dissertation I ask an overarching question of my time-lag field data. It is How can we understand the problematic relationship between indigenous reserve-dwelling help-seekers and biomedical practitioners at their local hospital clinics in the 1980s. To describe this problematic relationship I analyse time-lag data from my diaried participant observation at both the reserves and the hospital; semi-structured interviews with the hospital Residents; case studies and case histories of consenting help-seekers from the Reserves; and illustrative transcriptions of consultations between Residents and Reserve Dwellers that were tape recorded by the Residents during hospital clinics. The contemporary ethnomedical system of the Reserve Dwellers was inclusive of biomedicalized clinics and the Residents as clinicians at this remote hospital in the 1980s. I provide an ethnographic account of a changing contemporary indigenous ethnomedical system and describe the lifeways of the Reserve Dwellers in the 1980s; their pattern of help-seeking at their local hospital including grievous happenings; and their experiences in outpatients clinics and the emergency section of the local non-indigenous hospital. Their lifeways and help-seeking were in many ways defined by the collective sociality of Kalkadunga and other regional indigenous cultures as impoverished, very sick survivors of a genocidal contact history less than 100 years before. This local history is also reconstructed. The Residents view of local indigenous illness, help-seeking, and experiences of biomedicalised hospital clinics further describe the socio-cultural reality of the time. I found that the Residents had an insightful, even predictive assessment of local illness burden. At the same time, they held strong views about a pattern of help-seeking in the outpatients and emergency clinics that was considered disruptive of hospital routines. I also describe how they expressed their difficulties interacting with Aboriginal help-seekers including the taking of biomedical histories. My thesis is that a localized socio-clinical reality was shaped by a synchronic, coeval relationship between Reserve Dwellers enculturated within a changing, contemporary ethnomedical belief system that incorporated biomedicalized hospital clinics, and the Residents as clinicians enculturated within a culture of biomedical science at a remote hospital. I argue that the lifeways and pattern of help-seeking of the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the Residents’ views about sick indigenous help-seekers, formed this particular socio-clinical reality. It was then consistently replicated by problematic socio-clinical interaction and biomedicalized praxis that inhibited investigation and curative outcomes for the Reserve Dwellers and other indigenous help-seekers.

This ethnographic study in medical anthropology is a critically interpretative analysis of fieldwork documentation I recorded during field research conducted in the mining city of Mount Isa in the far northwest of Queensland during the 1980s. Eighteen months of participant observation research was undertaken over four fieldtrips (1981-82, 1983, 1985 and 1988) at inter-connected locations: two urban reserves for Aborigines and the people I refer to as the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the local hospital and a group of hospital resident medical officers who I refer to as the Residents. During the field research I found that both Reserve Dwellers and the Residents experienced a difficult relationship during their interactions in medical consultations in the hospital clinics. Now in this dissertation I ask an overarching question of my time-lag field data. It is How can we understand the problematic relationship between indigenous reserve-dwelling help-seekers and biomedical practitioners at their local hospital clinics in the 1980s. To describe this problematic relationship I analyse time-lag data from my diaried participant observation at both the reserves and the hospital; semi-structured interviews with the hospital Residents; case studies and case histories of consenting help-seekers from the Reserves; and illustrative transcriptions of consultations between Residents and Reserve Dwellers that were tape recorded by the Residents during hospital clinics. The contemporary ethnomedical system of the Reserve Dwellers was inclusive of biomedicalized clinics and the Residents as clinicians at this remote hospital in the 1980s. I provide an ethnographic account of a changing contemporary indigenous ethnomedical system and describe the lifeways of the Reserve Dwellers in the 1980s; their pattern of help-seeking at their local hospital including grievous happenings; and their experiences in outpatients clinics and the emergency section of the local non-indigenous hospital. Their lifeways and help-seeking were in many ways defined by the collective sociality of Kalkadunga and other regional indigenous cultures as impoverished, very sick survivors of a genocidal contact history less than 100 years before. This local history is also reconstructed. The Residents view of local indigenous illness, help-seeking, and experiences of biomedicalised hospital clinics further describe the socio-cultural reality of the time. I found that the Residents had an insightful, even predictive assessment of local illness burden. At the same time, they held strong views about a pattern of help-seeking in the outpatients and emergency clinics that was considered disruptive of hospital routines. I also describe how they expressed their difficulties interacting with Aboriginal help-seekers including the taking of biomedical histories. My thesis is that a localized socio-clinical reality was shaped by a synchronic, coeval relationship between Reserve Dwellers enculturated within a changing, contemporary ethnomedical belief system that incorporated biomedicalized hospital clinics, and the Residents as clinicians enculturated within a culture of biomedical science at a remote hospital. I argue that the lifeways and pattern of help-seeking of the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the Residents’ views about sick indigenous help-seekers, formed this particular socio-clinical reality. It was then consistently replicated by problematic socio-clinical interaction and biomedicalized praxis that inhibited investigation and curative outcomes for the Reserve Dwellers and other indigenous help-seekers.

This ethnographic study in medical anthropology is a critically interpretative analysis of fieldwork documentation I recorded during field research conducted in the mining city of Mount Isa in the far northwest of Queensland during the 1980s. Eighteen months of participant observation research was undertaken over four fieldtrips (1981-82, 1983, 1985 and 1988) at inter-connected locations: two urban reserves for Aborigines and the people I refer to as the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the local hospital and a group of hospital resident medical officers who I refer to as the Residents. During the field research I found that both Reserve Dwellers and the Residents experienced a difficult relationship during their interactions in medical consultations in the hospital clinics. Now in this dissertation I ask an overarching question of my time-lag field data. It is How can we understand the problematic relationship between indigenous reserve-dwelling help-seekers and biomedical practitioners at their local hospital clinics in the 1980s. To describe this problematic relationship I analyse time-lag data from my diaried participant observation at both the reserves and the hospital; semi-structured interviews with the hospital Residents; case studies and case histories of consenting help-seekers from the Reserves; and illustrative transcriptions of consultations between Residents and Reserve Dwellers that were tape recorded by the Residents during hospital clinics. The contemporary ethnomedical system of the Reserve Dwellers was inclusive of biomedicalized clinics and the Residents as clinicians at this remote hospital in the 1980s. I provide an ethnographic account of a changing contemporary indigenous ethnomedical system and describe the lifeways of the Reserve Dwellers in the 1980s; their pattern of help-seeking at their local hospital including grievous happenings; and their experiences in outpatients clinics and the emergency section of the local non-indigenous hospital. Their lifeways and help-seeking were in many ways defined by the collective sociality of Kalkadunga and other regional indigenous cultures as impoverished, very sick survivors of a genocidal contact history less than 100 years before. This local history is also reconstructed. The Residents view of local indigenous illness, help-seeking, and experiences of biomedicalised hospital clinics further describe the socio-cultural reality of the time. I found that the Residents had an insightful, even predictive assessment of local illness burden. At the same time, they held strong views about a pattern of help-seeking in the outpatients and emergency clinics that was considered disruptive of hospital routines. I also describe how they expressed their difficulties interacting with Aboriginal help-seekers including the taking of biomedical histories. My thesis is that a localized socio-clinical reality was shaped by a synchronic, coeval relationship between Reserve Dwellers enculturated within a changing, contemporary ethnomedical belief system that incorporated biomedicalized hospital clinics, and the Residents as clinicians enculturated within a culture of biomedical science at a remote hospital. I argue that the lifeways and pattern of help-seeking of the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the Residents’ views about sick indigenous help-seekers, formed this particular socio-clinical reality. It was then consistently replicated by problematic socio-clinical interaction and biomedicalized praxis that inhibited investigation and curative outcomes for the Reserve Dwellers and other indigenous help-seekers.

This ethnographic study in medical anthropology is a critically interpretative analysis of fieldwork documentation I recorded during field research conducted in the mining city of Mount Isa in the far northwest of Queensland during the 1980s. Eighteen months of participant observation research was undertaken over four fieldtrips (1981-82, 1983, 1985 and 1988) at inter-connected locations: two urban reserves for Aborigines and the people I refer to as the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the local hospital and a group of hospital resident medical officers who I refer to as the Residents. During the field research I found that both Reserve Dwellers and the Residents experienced a difficult relationship during their interactions in medical consultations in the hospital clinics. Now in this dissertation I ask an overarching question of my time-lag field data. It is How can we understand the problematic relationship between indigenous reserve-dwelling help-seekers and biomedical practitioners at their local hospital clinics in the 1980s. To describe this problematic relationship I analyse time-lag data from my diaried participant observation at both the reserves and the hospital; semi-structured interviews with the hospital Residents; case studies and case histories of consenting help-seekers from the Reserves; and illustrative transcriptions of consultations between Residents and Reserve Dwellers that were tape recorded by the Residents during hospital clinics. The contemporary ethnomedical system of the Reserve Dwellers was inclusive of biomedicalized clinics and the Residents as clinicians at this remote hospital in the 1980s. I provide an ethnographic account of a changing contemporary indigenous ethnomedical system and describe the lifeways of the Reserve Dwellers in the 1980s; their pattern of help-seeking at their local hospital including grievous happenings; and their experiences in outpatients clinics and the emergency section of the local non-indigenous hospital. Their lifeways and help-seeking were in many ways defined by the collective sociality of Kalkadunga and other regional indigenous cultures as impoverished, very sick survivors of a genocidal contact history less than 100 years before. This local history is also reconstructed. The Residents view of local indigenous illness, help-seeking, and experiences of biomedicalised hospital clinics further describe the socio-cultural reality of the time. I found that the Residents had an insightful, even predictive assessment of local illness burden. At the same time, they held strong views about a pattern of help-seeking in the outpatients and emergency clinics that was considered disruptive of hospital routines. I also describe how they expressed their difficulties interacting with Aboriginal help-seekers including the taking of biomedical histories. My thesis is that a localized socio-clinical reality was shaped by a synchronic, coeval relationship between Reserve Dwellers enculturated within a changing, contemporary ethnomedical belief system that incorporated biomedicalized hospital clinics, and the Residents as clinicians enculturated within a culture of biomedical science at a remote hospital. I argue that the lifeways and pattern of help-seeking of the Reserve Dwellers, as well as the Residents’ views about sick indigenous help-seekers, formed this particular socio-clinical reality. It was then consistently replicated by problematic socio-clinical interaction and biomedicalized praxis that inhibited investigation and curative outcomes for the Reserve Dwellers and other indigenous help-seekers.

La scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur en France. Problème pédagogique ou politique ?Cette recherche doctorale peut être considérée comme une étude de cas concernant la scolarisation en France d’une population d’enfants désignée depuis 2012 par l’Éducation nationale comme « Enfants issus de Familles Itinérantes et de Voyageurs ». Du fait que cette scolarisation est constitutive d’un « problème public » débordant largement le domaine scolaire, les modalités de traitement pédagogique de cette population sont révélatrices d’une dépendance certaine aux variations institutionnelles et politiques. Pour aborder cette problématique une méthodologie plurielle, socio-historique, ethnographique et socio-clinique institutionnelle a été adoptée. Pour rendre compte des résultats, c’est la logique de la démarche régressive-progressive imaginée par Henri Lefebvre qui est mise en œuvre. Elle propose de problématiser la question contemporaine de la scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur avant d’en reconstituer la genèse afin de revenir à l’analyse de la manière dont elle est actuellement produite.L’exploration des écrits institutionnels permet de réfléchir sur les significations sociales, politiques et éducatives et de questionner l’action de l’État dans la fabrication des politiques de scolarisation et dans la création de catégories d’élèves. L’investigation articulant démarches ethnographique et socio-clinique référée au cadre théorique de l’analyse institutionnelle permet de concilier l’investigation de terrain avec l’étude de l’activité institutionnelle en train de se faire. Ceci en pénétrant la « boîte noire » où sont fabriquées des solutions pour répondre à des problèmes souvent posés dans l’urgence. C’est aussi la place du chercheur qui est prise en compte, ses implications professionnelles et institutionnelles lui offrant des ressources tout en générant des obstacles. La réalité de la scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur révèle des dissonances, des tensions et des contradictions au sein de l’institution scolaire. Plus largement, elle interroge l’action publique lorsqu’elle formule des objectifs et met en œuvre des moyens spécifiques visant une population donnée. La scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur montre enfin de quelle manière la surdétermination d’un problème pédagogique par des mobiles politiques plus larges, historiquement ancrés, peuvent durablement contrarier sa prise en charge.L’exploration des écrits institutionnels permet de réfléchir sur les significations sociales, politiques et éducatives et de questionner l’action de l’État dans la fabrication des politiques de scolarisation et dans la création de catégories d’élèves. L’investigation articulant démarches ethnographique et socio-clinique référée au cadre théorique de l’analyse institutionnelle permet de concilier l’investigation de terrain avec l’étude de l’activité institutionnelle en train de se faire. Ceci en pénétrant la « boîte noire » où sont fabriquées des solutions pour répondre à des problèmes souvent posés dans l’urgence. C’est aussi la place du chercheur qui est prise en compte, ses implications professionnelles et institutionnelles lui offrant des ressources tout en générant des obstacles. La réalité de la scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur révèle des dissonances, des tensions et des contradictions au sein de l’institution scolaire. Plus largement, elle interroge l’action publique lorsqu’elle formule des objectifs et met en œuvre des moyens spécifiques visant une population donnée. La scolarisation de l’enfant-voyageur montre enfin de quelle manière la surdétermination d’un problème pédagogique par des mobiles politiques plus larges, historiquement ancrés, peut durablement contrarier sa prise en charge. / This doctoral research might be considered as a study regarding the schooling of a children population designated since 2012 by “L’Education Nationale” (French Ministry of Education) as “Offspring Pupils/Students from Nomadic and Itinerant Families” in France. Since this schooling is constitutive of a “public issue” largely overrunning the academic realm, the conditions of pedagogical treatment are indicative of a specific dependency to institutional and political variations. To approach this issue, a plural socio-historical, ethnographic and institutional socio-clinical methodology has been applied. To report the results, the rationale of the regressive-progressive procedure created by Henri Lefebvre has been adopted. The research into institutional transcripts allows pondering on the social, political and academic meanings as well as questioning the State’s action in the construction of schooling policies and the creation of pupils/students categories. The investigation expressing an ethnographic and socio-clinical approach in reference to the theoretical setting of the institutional analysis allows reconciling ground examination with the institutional activity as it is formulated. All the while breaking into the “black box” in which are manufactured solutions to answer to problems often happening in an emergency situation. It is as well the researcher’s position which is taken into account, his professional and institutional implications offering him both resources and hindrances. The schooling reality of the child-traveler reveals dissensions, pressures and contradictions within the academic institution. More extensively it questions public action when formulating objectives and deploying specific resources for a given population. Lastly, the schooling of the child-traveler shows in which way the over determination of a pedagogical issue by broader political motivations, historically grounded, can lastingly thwart its enactment.

L'objet de la thèse est constitué de l'accueil dans le champ du travail social. Il est le premier temps de la rencontre entre l'individu et les travailleurs sociaux.Le terme d'accueil est couramment utilisé dans le jargon professionnel, aussi bien dans les activités de travail quotidiennes que dans le champ de la formation professionnelle. Sa dimension polymorphe complexifie son appréhension. L'apparente banalité qu'il revêt en fait un objet de recherche d'autant plus délicat à saisir. Il se met en œuvre à travers différentes missions et dimensions. Associé intrinsèquement à l'entrée en relation, il est d'abord un espace d'accueil et interroge les dimensions spatiale, temporelle et organisationnelle. Il se formalise à travers des documents écrits à usage professionnel. Il se met en œuvre à travers les politiques publiques et devient un objet évaluable en termes de qualité de l'accueil proposé et reçu.L'accueil ,comme activité de travail, fait l'objet de nombreuses études ou rapports. Paradoxalement, plus cette activité est décrite plus elle apparaît insaisissable. En m'appuyant sur une démarche à la fois socio-historique et socio -clinique, je confronte les éléments du passé constituant les métiers du travail social et recherche l‘origine de l'accueil dans les pratiques professionnelles au fil du temps. Je les mets en miroir avec les réalités actuelles du travail social. J'utilise mon propre parcours professionnel et l'analyse de mon implication pour saisir plus globalement les implications professionnelles à l'œuvre aujourd'hui. Je m'appuie sur la sociologie du travail social. L'emploi générique de l'accueil démontre une utilisation peu étayée théoriquement et des pratiques professionnelles diverses et variées, voire complexes. Repéré comme fondement historique de l'acte d'intervention en travail social, l'accueil s'enracine dans les mouvements hygiénistes et de santé, mêlant valeurs caritatives, religieuses et républicaines.Si l'accueil est le moment de la rencontre entre l'accueilli et l'accueillant. Il demande par conséquent à mobiliser des savoirs pratiques pour entrer en relation. Il s'étaye sur le ressenti, les valeurs de professionnels aux origines sociales et culturelles diverses et variées. Il se pratique au quotidien. Si les travailleurs sociaux sont historiquement concernés par l'entrée en relation d'aide avec les personnes, d'autres salariés issus de métiers différents partagent aujourd'hui cette tâche, voire les remplacent pour recevoir la première demande de l ‘usager. Accueillir « l'autre » demeurerait un acte « quasi liturgique » pour les salariés du travail social et plus globalement de l ‘action sociale.Dans ces allers-retours entre passé et présent, les Centres Communaux d'Action Sociale (CCAS) apparaissent historiquement comme faisant partie des premières structures publiques qui ont pour mission d'accueillir et de venir en aide aux publics les plus démunis, ceci depuis la Révolution française. Ils se nommaient alors « bureau de bienfaisance ». J'ai ainsi fait le choix de mettre en œuvre un dispositif de recherche de type socio-clinique en CCAS pour dévoiler la complexité de cette mission, au regard du service public. Les travailleurs sociaux, animateurs, agents administratifs mobilisés et divisés autour de l'entrée en relation avec un public toujours plus fragilisé montrent les aspects cachés de leur professionnalité. L'accueil au quotidien est déjà une entrée dans la relation d'aide particulière et difficilement généralisable. L'accueil apparaît progressivement comme un analyseur des implications professionnelles, des logiques de métiers et des postures à l'œuvre dans le champ du travail social. / The thesis considers client reception in the field of social work. It is the initial phase when the individual and social workers meet.The term "reception" is commonly used in professional jargon, both for routine tasks and in the field of vocational training. Its multi-faceted dimension makes it more complex to understand. Its apparent banality makes it a research subject that is all the more difficult to grasp. It comes into play through different missions and dimensions. Intrinsically associated to entering into a relationship, it is first a reception area and questions the organisational, time and space dimensions. It is formalised through documents written for professional use. It is implemented through public policies and becomes an aspect that can be assessed in terms of the quality of the reception proposed and received.Client reception, as a work activity, has been the subject of many studies or reports. Paradoxically, the more that is written about this activity, the harder it seems to grasp. Using a both socio-historical and socio-clinical approach, I consider the aspects that shaped the social work profession in the past and I research the origins of client reception in professional practices over time. I mirror them with the current realities of social work. I fall back on my own professional career and analyse my involvement to more globally understand the professional implications in play today. I draw on the sociology of social work. The generic usage of client reception displays a use that is poorly substantiated theoretically and diverse and varied, or even complex professional practices. Recognized as a historical basis for intervention in social work, client reception is rooted in health and hygienic mechanisms, mixing republication, religious and charitable values.If client reception is the moment of meeting between the person seeking social support and the receptor, it therefore calls for practical expertise to be brought into play in order to enter into a relationship. It is substantiated by the feelings and professional values of the different and varied cultural and social origins. It is used in daily life. If social workers are traditionally concerned about entering into a relationship to help people, other members of different professions today share this task, or even replace the former as they receive the first request of the user. Receiving “the other” would remain a "nearly liturgical" act for social work employees and more globally those involved in social action.In this toing and froing between past and present, the Social Action Community Centres (CCAS)) traditionally appear as being part of the initial public structures whose mission has been to be the point of entry and come to the help of the most destitute ever since the French Revolution. They were then known as a “relief committee”. I have thus chosen to implement a socio-clinical research mechanism in CCAS to reveal the complexity of this mission as regards serving the public. The social workers, facilitators and administrative staff engaged and involved in entering into a relation with a ever more fragile general public show the hidden aspects of their professionalism. Client reception in daily life is already a point of entry into the specific support relationship and which is hard to generalize. Client reception is progressively emerging as an analyser of professional of professional implications, work rationale and attitudes to work in the field of social work.