Le statu-quo de la mémoire nationale à Taiwan : les dynamiques antagonistes de mise en récits de l’expérience autoritaireresume :Cette thèse a comme origine l’apparente contradiction des politiques de la mémoire dédiées au régime de parti unique mis en place par le Parti nationaliste chinois (KMT) en 1945. Colonie japonaise depuis 1895, Taiwan passe alors sous le contrôle de la République de Chine au lendemain de la Seconde guerre mondiale. L’île sert de refuge aux nationalistes chinois en 1949, lorsqu’est actée la victoire des troupes maoïstes suite à la reprise de la guerre civile chinoise après 1945. En exil, le KMT, refusant de reconnaître sa défaite, gouverne Taiwan à travers un régime pensé pour représenter symboliquement toute la Chine. Les politiques identitaires et mémorielles d’alors valorisent uniquement les expériences historiques d’une communauté minoritaire au sein de la population taiwanaise, celle des insulaires venus de Chine à Taiwan avec le KMT entre 1945 et 1950. Cette fiction politique prend fin avec la démocratisation. Débutant en 1987, celle-ci voit l’affirmation d’un nouveau paradigme identitaire articulé autour des spécificités de Taiwan et son multiculturalisme, la Chine n’étant plus le référent central. Les victimes de la répression policière de l’ère autoritaire sont peu à peu reconnues. S’il perd rapidement sa prééminence, l’ancien récit officiel ne disparaît pas pour autant, une fraction de la population insulaire continuant de se reconnaître en une partie des représentations qui y sont inscrites. De même, le KMT, qui reste un des acteurs dominants la scène politique taiwanaise après la démocratisation, se refuse à tout véritable retour critique sur sa propre histoire pour éviter de mettre en danger sa propre légitimité. Plutôt que marquer une rupture nette avec l’ère autoritaire, les politiques de la mémoire post-1987 aboutissent à l’institutionnalisation de dispositifs reconnaissant les victimes de la dictature et d’autres à la gloire des anciens dirigeants, que ce soit Chiang Kai-shek ou son fils Chiang Ching-kuo. En adoptant une démarche relevant de la sociologie de la mémoire, notre recherche a pour but d’analyser les dynamiques soutenant la mise en place de nouveaux récits publics sur la période autoritaire après la démocratisation. L’objet de notre travail est d’expliquer les principales luttes mémorielles actuelles engageant la place qu’occuperait dans l’histoire taiwanaise le régime autoritaire du KMT, ce tout en interrogeant la notion de mémoire nationale. / The key focus of this thesis is the exploration of the contradictory nature of the politics of memory dedicated to the Party-State system implemented by the Chinese Nationalist party (KMT) in 1945.In the aftermath of World War II, Taiwan – a Japanese colony since 1895 – sees its sovereignty transferred to the Republic of China.The country becomes the home to Chinese nationalist refugees and the last stronghold of the Kuomintang (KMT), after the party’s defeat against the communist forces during the Chinese civil war of 1949. Refusing to recognize its demise, the KMT rules Taiwan through a regime conceived to, symbolically, represent China in its entirety. During this period, the politics of memory and identity take into account the experiences of a minority within the Taiwanese community only – those of the Chinese population that came to Taiwan with the KMT between 1945 and 1950. This ends with the democratization of Taiwan in 1987. From this point onwards, China is no longer the central point of reference; a new identity paradigm arises, articulated around the specificities of Taiwan, and its multiculturalism.While the old official discourse quickly loses its prominence in modern day Taiwan, it doesn’t disappear completely, with a portion of the population still identifying itself with the old KMT narrative. Likewise, the KMT remains one of the key players on the Taiwanese political scene; the party never took an overly critical stance on its own history as it undermines its own legitimacy. Instead of breaking from the authoritarian era, the post 1987 politics of memories result in the contradicting recognition of both the victims of the dictatorship and the glory of the oldr ulers, Chiang Kai-shek and his son ChiangChing-kuo. Through following a sociology of memory approach, this research aims at analysing the dynamics behind the development of the new post-democratisation public narratives. This study investigates the current opposing takes on national memory, looking at the place the KMT’s authoritarian regime occupies in the Taiwanese history, while also redefining the concept of national memory.

De 1991 à 2014, le Service d’Histoire de l’Éducation a mené une enquête orale sur le ministère de l’Éducation nationale depuis la Libération. La perspective était double : cerner le processus de décision du ministère et patrimonialiser la mémoire des cadres de l’institution. De cette entreprise résultent 283 entretiens qui représentent plus de 1100 heures d’enregistrement. À partir de ce corpus, cette thèse explore l’hypothèse que les biais régulièrement décriés des archives orales peuvent devenir une féconde ressource pour les historiens. L’objet central de ce travail est donc la source elle-même, dont la déconstruction doit permettre de comprendre une forme de production mémorielle qui se présente comme au service de l’histoire et des historiens. Faire l’histoire de cette enquête revient d’abord à retracer celle d’un moment historiographique dans les années 1990, à partir de l’analyse critique du projet et des pratiques des enquêteurs. Le dispositif de l’enquête assigne les acteurs à une certaine fonction au sein de l’institution, à partir de laquelle est co-construite une histoire de l’Éducation nationale « d’en haut ». La question est alors de saisir comment, ministère après ministère, s’articulent expériences subjectives et histoire(s) collective(s), entre le temps de l'événement et le moment du témoignage, dans une dialectique continue avec l'histoire de l'éducation en train de s'écrire. Enfin, à l’instar des autres ministères, la période couverte par l’enquête est celle de la conquête de l’État par les administrateurs de profession issus de l’ENA. À l’Éducation nationale, les universitaires et les acteurs venus du terrain sont contraints de céder le pas. En identifiant ces mémoires concurrentielles et leurs dynamiques à partir des discours, des régimes de justification et des ordres de grandeur qui les singularisent, cette thèse entend finalement participer à l’analyse des écologies des professions dans le cadre d’un ministère. / From 1991 to 2014, the French Service d’Histoire de l’Education conducted a large oral investigation into the activities of the Ministère de l’Education Nationale since the end of WWII. Its purpose was twofold: identifying the decision-making processes of the ministry’s officials, and creating an archive from the testimonies of the institution’s executives. From this endeavour came 283 interviews that make up more than 1100 hours of recordings. This doctoral thesis draws on this corpus to explore the hypothesis that the biases commonly attributed to oral archives can turn out to be fertile ground for historians. The recordings themselves therefore form the main object of this work: by deconstructing them, it should be possible to understand how this type of memory-based production may contribute to the writing of history, and be of use to historians. Tracing back the history of this survey first involves delving into the historiographical agenda of the 1990s through the critical analysis of the project and of the interviewers’ practices. The survey was thought out in such a way that its participants were assigned to a specific function in the institution, forming the basis for a top-down, yet collective writing of the Education Nationale’s history. The question is then to grasp how, one ministry after another, personal experiences and shared memory/ies come together between the time of the events and the time when people testified, contributing to a wider dialectic of the history of education as it was being written. Finally, like in the other ministries, the period the survey spans coincides with the domination of the State by professional administrators out of the National School of Administration (ENA), forcing the academics and the professionals within the Education Nationale to step down. By pinpointing these competing recollections and their dynamics through the study of the discourse, the means of justification, and the orders of worth that set them apart, this thesis aims to contribute to the analysis of the ecology of the professions within a ministry.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2015-03-30T17:57:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvio Luis dos Anjos.pdf: 4894611 bytes, checksum: 7ffb57b161ba653a174df192248b913a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-30T17:57:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvio Luis dos Anjos.pdf: 4894611 bytes, checksum: 7ffb57b161ba653a174df192248b913a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The subject of this dissertation refers to the analysis of the experience of studying at the State School "Reynaldo Kuntz Busch", located in Praia Grande, on the coast of São Paulo, Brazil, between 1965, when the school was first opened, and 1978, when I finished High School as a regular student. This paper has, as its core, the aim to investigate how much and in what ways this school, within the proposed time frame, favored an authentic citizen education tied to Human Rights to its students, in a period through which the country was under military dictatorship, having severe restrictions to civilian and political rights being imposed upon its citizens. The research focused on qualitative approach, based on bibliographical research, document analysis and interviews with players who participated both directly and indirectly on the school daily routine. In that sense, the investigation sought: 1) To address a perspective on the citizenship concept to related Human Rights and its relevance within a context of specific school education; 2) To analyze the movement for Praia Grande-s municipal emancipation from its neighboring town, São Vicente, which happened simultaneously to the fight for the creation of a school that would offer Junior High School studies, which were non-existent at that time. 3) To get testimonials from players who were involved in the school history during the time frame in this research paper. 4) To develop categories for analysis which aim at relating and analyzing deeply the idea of education for citizenship, with school practices being witnessed or perceived at the Reynaldo school during the period under study. Documental sources related to the time period and theoretical references are described throughout the paper. During the research, we identified elements which can be seen as key for educational citizenship connected to Human Rights, experienced by the students at the State School Reynaldo Kuntz Busch since its creation, in 1965,until 1978. / O tema da dissertação refere-se à análise da experiência vivenciada na Escola Estadual "Reynaldo Kuntz Busch", sediada no município de Praia Grande, litoral de São Paulo, no período de 1965 (ano de sua instalação) até o final do ano de 1978 (ano em que, como aluno, concluí o Ensino Médio na referida Escola). Este estudo tem como foco central verificar o quanto e de que forma essa escola no período em tela, favoreceu uma autêntica formação cidadã vinculada aos Direitos Humanos, aos seus alunos, em um período de ditadura militar e severas restrições ao exercício de direitos civis e políticos. A investigação se deu a partir de um enfoque qualitativo de investigação, pautado por uma pesquisa bibliográfica, análise documental e entrevistas com atores que participaram direta e indiretamente do cotidiano dessa escola. Nesse sentido a pesquisa procurou: 1) Abordar uma perspectiva do conceito de cidadania relacionada aos Direitos Humanos e sua relevância no contexto de uma formação escolar específica; 2) Analisar o movimento de emancipação do município de Praia Grande, que aconteceu concomitantemente à luta para a criação de uma escola que oferecesse no município o ciclo secundário até então inexistente; 3) Buscar depoimentos de atores envolvidos com a história da escola no período que é objeto desta pesquisa; 4) Desenvolver categorias de análise que busquem relacionar e analisar minimamente a idéia de uma formação para cidadania com práticas escolares presenciadas e/ou percebidas no ¿Kuntz¿ no período em tela. Estão descritas ao longo da pesquisa as fontes documentais encontradas dentro do período mencionado além do referencial teórico. No decorrer da pesquisa, verificou-se elementos importantes daquilo que se poderia classificar como uma formação para a cidadania atrelada aos Direitos Humanos, vivenciados pela Escola Estadual ¿Dr. Reynaldo Kuntz Busch¿ desde sua criação em 1965 até o ano de 1978.

En 1837, le château de Versailles est « converti » en un vaste musée visant à « réunir tous lessouvenirs historiques nationaux qu’il appartient aux arts de perpétuer ». Durant près d’unsiècle, cette histoire muséale de la France est reconduite, remaniée et actualisée jusqu’auprésent du Second Empire puis de la Troisième République. Notre thèse tente de comprendre,à partir d’un matériau archivistique dense, la contribution du musée à l’élaboration tout autantqu’à la diffusion d’un imaginaire national et civique.L’analyse iconographique de près de 1300 peintures, réinscrites dans leur cadre palatial,permet d’approcher les mises en forme picturales et matérielles du politique, ses variations etses invariants. Dès lors, l’enjeu est d’appréhender comment ces visions historicisées d’unÉtat-nation ont pu tenir et être appropriées. Leurs succès ne relèvent pas seulement d’uneaction politique et administrative mais s’arriment à l’agencement réciproque de différentessphères sociales et strates d’appartenance. Cette histoire nationale se forme en retraduisant lesunivers les plus familiers des acteurs, en empruntant à la mémoire domestique des « grandsnotables », aux normes et aux enjeux de groupements professionnels (peintres, historiens,militaires) ou encore en solennisant les pratiques routinières d’un « public mêlé ». L’histoirede France s’objective dans cette interpénétration des identités et des loyautés, dans cesconsolidations croisées de secteurs sociaux, dans ces dynamiques de politisation du social etde socialisation du politique. Saisir la formation, le contenu et la diffusion de cet imaginairenational équivaut alors à scruter des systèmes de relation entre groupements sociaux, desarticulations variables entre le quotidien et le national, entre l’art et l’histoire, entre le social etle politique. / In 1837, the Palace of Versailles was « converted » into a vast museum aiming to « gather allthe national historical memories that it belongs to the arts to perpetuate ». For about a century,the Second Empire, followed by the Third Republic, maintained, reshuffled and expanded themuseum, to include representations of contemporaneous events. This thesis aims tounderstand, based on a dense network of archival materials, the museum’s contribution to theelaboration and diffusion of a national and civic imagination.The iconographic analysis of nearly 1,300 paintings within the context of their palatialframework allows us to explore the pictorial and material representations of the political, theirsimilarities and differences. The issue, therefore, is to apprehend the manner in which thesehistoricized visions of the nation-Statecould hold and become internalized. Their success isnot only the result of political and administrative action, but also finds its source in the mutualreinforcement of different social spheres and loyalties. This national history takes shape byreproducing the actors’ most familiar environments, by borrowing from the domestic memoryof the “great notables” and from the norms and issues of professional groups (painters,historians, the military), or by solemnizing the popular habits. The history of France becomesobjective through this interpenetration of identities, through this mutual reinforcement ofsocial sectors, in these processes of politicization of the social and socialization of thepolitical. To understand the formation, content and diffusion of this national imaginationamounts to scrutinizing the systems of relationships between social groups, the evolvinginterrelations between everyday life and the national, between art and history, and betweenthe social and the political.