M.A. (African Languages) / This research concentrates primarily on feminism and attempts to study it in relation to Northern Sotho literature. As Kekana is undoubtedly the first author to deal with this topic in her novel - NONYANA YA TOKOLOGO (The Bird of Freedom), this proves the fact that in Northern Sotho literature feminism is still at its infancy stage, hence, the topic of this research - KEKANA'S NONYANA YA TOKOLOGO AS REPRESENTATIVE OF EMERGING FEMINISM IN NORTHERN SOTHO LITERATURE. Feminism emerges in Northern Sotho literature for the following two reasons: firstly, Kekana is the first writer in Northern Sotho to show vested interest in the topic; secondly, though her efforts in pioneering this path are appreciated, she should have clearly shown the way women should go to be liberated from patriarchal prison. After demonstrating so well that men oppress women in a patriarchal society, she dampens women's morale to aspire to freedom by returning Taamane to her oppressor- Tshaledi.

M.Ed. (Educational Psychology) / The main aim of this research was to do an exploratory study of the value-orientations and perceptions of the Zulu pupi Is in Sebokeng in order to enable teachers to understand the Zulu pupils better and thus be in a posi tion to teach them more effectively. The phenomenological strategy served as a basis from where the research was undertaken. This strategy made provision for the employment of various methods such as action research, literature study, word- and concept analysis. A questionnaire was used to determine the value-orientations and perceptions of the standard eight and ten Zulu pupils. For the purpose of empirical investigation a total of 224 standard eight and ten Zulu pupils was drawn from Botebo-Tsebo and Moghaka secondary school s • This was the total number of all standard eight and ten Zulu pupils in the two fore-mentioned schools during the academic year 1991. The most important findings of the research are as follows: * The typical value code of the Zulu child is not compatible with the values promoted in the school. * The beliefs of the Zulu pupils range from tradi tional belief in ancestors to those of modern times. A large percentage of the pupils are Christians. However, they still support the traditional religion. * The present Zulu pupil is inclined towards individuality rather than group consciousness that characterized traditional culture. * When comparing the valueing of school related matters, it was found that the standard ten pup! Is were relatively more positive to schooling than their standard eight counterparts. * Another important finding is that Zulu pupils prefer nonintegrated schools. They give preference to schools for their own people.

This thesis is an investigation of the part played by Theopolis Mission on the Frontier, in the community (both secular and religious)and in the context of race relations. The Journal itself provides the terse, sometimes angry core of commentary on the total situation, and an attempt has been made, by setting it in a broader context, to dispel some of the myths which persist about the role of the Christian missionary, about Khoi Missions (in sharp contast to Xhosa Missions) and about Dr John Phllip. A clear picture has emerged of a people whose life-style, antecedents and history have been inadequately researched in tne period subsequent to 1800.

Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been criticised for depoliticising development through focusing on alleviating suffering rather than on addressing the root causes of poverty and underdevelopment. This research explores whether and how NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development. The research focuses on education NGOs and in particular on the NGO GADRA education in Grahamstown, South Africa, to provide insights into ways in which politically conscious leadership of NGOs attempt to deal with the contradictions that are inherent in this field of work. This research provides a brief history of the South African Education system as a means to set a basis for the discussion of the role of education NGOs in the country. Furthermore it looks at the work that is done by GADRA education in the Grahamstown community. The thesis makes the argument that education NGOs can act in ways that do not depoliticise development because by providing access to education for people who are structurally excluded from education, they contribute to shifting power. This research found that although the leadership of GADRA Education acknowledge that they are confronted with great challenges in terms of how to bring about changes in the education system, they are hopeful that advocating for quality education will bring about the potential for the disruption of power relations as they exist between the state organs and the public.

M.Inf. / The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) is an integrated, coherent socioeconomic policy framework that seeks to mobilise all people and resources towards the final eradication of apartheid and the building of a democratic, non-racial and non-sexist future. It is clearly indicated in this policy document that the government is serious about the delivery of services to all people in South Africa. However, mention of library services is made only casually in the document, with libraries and information never being referred to in the same context. Information workers generally are nevertheless convinced that there are many areas in which library and information services can make a significant contribution to the success of the RDP. The purpose of the study was to determine whether the public library, with specific reference to the Randfontein Public Library, can make a contribution to the success of the RDP of South Africa. Data collection methods used included a study of literature and personal interviews with role players. During the analysis phase a brief overview was given of the South African history. The influence of this on the development of public libraries was researched, with special emphasis on the impact of the historical policy of separate development on libraries. It was found that, in the pre democratic era (before the 1994 elections), the Randfontein Public Library had indeed been influenced by apartheid laws, which resulted in inferior library services being provided to the previously disadvantaged groups in Randfontein. A chronological description of the transformation process within the library and information profession, including the guidelines of the national policy document, was given. It was found that information workers generally were aware of their responsibility towards the development of the previously disadvantaged groups, but that they lacked implementation guidelines. A demographic analysis of the Randfontein Magisterial District and a situation analysis of current Randfontein Public Library services were made to determine whether it was possible to make a contribution to the RDP. To determine the services that should be rendered by the Randfontein Public Library typical public library objectives in relation to RDP objectives were investigated. Both sets of objectives place high priority on development and therefore it was concluded that specific functions were to be performed to reach the identified development objectives. A distinction was made between primary and secondary functions. For the purpose of this study primary functions were defined as those performed to contribute towards RDP objectives, while secondary functions were deemed as those complementing the afore mentioned. In conclusion it was found that the Randfontein Public Library can make a contribution towards the actualisation of the RDP through prioritising primary functions and establishing links with organisations and individuals in the Randfontein community.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Historical Studies) / Refer to full text

M.A. / The dissertation analyses the political involvement of two women's organisations, Kontak and Women for Peace, during the period 1976-1990. Both organisations were established in the political watershed year of 1976. Kontak had its roots in `verligte' Afrikaner thinking concerned primarily about the image of the Afrikaner as oppressor. Women for Peace stemmed from the heart of liberal capitalist thinking fearing that the welfare community was under threat. Both organisations thus arose from the privileged white establishment and in this aspect differ from the many other women's organisations that existed in the period under review. The meaning of "political involvement" is defined in the study and evaluated in terms of the protest registered against the apartheid system, the ideological stand that was taken and the extent to which race relations improved. The latter was after all an essential objective of both organisations, more particularly to end conflict than to ensure a complete transition to democracy. The positioning, objective and conduct of the abovementioned organisations must of necessity be highlighted against the background of the oppressive political situation of the day. For this reason the study provides an overview of the political context within which the organisations had to function. It commences with the riots of 1976 when the National Party came under increasing pressure to scale down apartheid and make it more acceptable. Mention is made of the power of the National Party to equate matters of national interest with discrete party political interests. Further mention is made of the unbridgeable gap between intra-parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics and how the decisive power of the latter was publicly suppressed. The impossibility of "political neutrality" is emphasised and that was precisely the label that the two organisations under discussion would have liked to attach to themselves. Kontak and Women for Peace were not the only players in the field of women's organisations. The study briefly discusses a few of the other main players such as the ANC Women's League, Inkatha's Women's Brigade and the Black Sash. Both Kontak and Women for Peace explicitly stated that they wished to seek reconciliation and peace between privileged whites and disadvantaged blacks "outside of the party-political arena". Neither of them could escape their political roots, however. The new enlightenment in the National Party for example prevented Kontak from taking an increasingly critical stand against apartheid. In the same way the much sharper voice of the Women for Peace was silenced by the approval of liberal PFP thinking. Both organisations registered protest within the safety of intra-parliamentary politics. They constituted no revolutionary threat for the apartheid state and their leaders were neither imprisoned nor banned. In summary it can be said that both Kontak and Women for Peace were able to realise the objectives of reconciliation within their chosen but limited target groups. Praiseworthy projects were undertaken and strong anti-apartheid positions were adopted. Democratic adjustments were constantly made with regard to membership, leadership hierarchy and language orientation. As far as the political main stream was concerned both, however, were wrongly positioned. The black majority moved in extra-parliamentary circles, outside the field of experience and even the protest actions of privileged whites. For this reason Kontak and Women for Peace were unable to contribute directly to the democratic transition to black majority rule but to some extent succeeded in sensitising the privileged white communities to accept change.

M.A. (Historical Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

D.Ed. (Educational Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This thesis is an account of the challenges people in Tyefu Location, Peddie District, and specifically in Gwabeni village, face in their attempts to manage their common pool natural resources. Taking my analytical cue from the literature which deals with the institutional dimensions of resource management in common property systems, I look at the impact of both outside influences and local dynamics on resource managing institutions at village level. I show how particular historical circumstances, including state interventions, led to the enclosure of Tyefu Location, and to the rapid increase in the population that had to be accommodated here. This placed enormous pressure on the natural resources of the area, and contributed to the emasculation of the local institutions responsible for overseeing resource management. The residents of the location adopted whatever strategies they could to ameliorate the depletion of natural resources in their villages. One 'traditional' strategy they have sought to emulate is to move their imizi (homesteads) away from areas where local resources has been exhausted. Given the finite area of land available to them, this strategy was only ever likely to be successful in the short-term. I analyse social, economic and institutional factors at village level that appear to act as disincentives to collective resource management activities. These factors include the social structure of the imizi and the socio-economic heterogeneity that exists between imizi in Gwabeni village. The varying degrees of household economic marginality that follow from this, together with the differential ownership of livestock and other possessions that decrease people's reliance on locally available natural resources, mean that the transaction costs that people would incur by contributing to collective resource management activities, differ widely. A primary cause of people's failure to engage in resource management at village level stems from the dispersion of the members of their imizi. This factor robs the village of decision makers and undermines the capacity of those left behind to make and implement resource management decisions. It results in the various members of imizi in the village having different orientations that dissipate the energy needed for collective action. It also fuels existing struggles, and creates new ones, over the meanings and uses of the term 'community'. I conclude by arguing that, in Tyefu Location, the management of natural resources is extremely difficult to co-ordinate, because such management is highly contested, undermined by differentiation among resource users, and subject to the attentions of weak village institutions that do not share a clear set of resource management objectives. / KMBT_363