M.Phil. / This research aims to establish and evaluate the main factors that influence the fuel industry in South Africa. The South African fuel industry, is influenced by different business, economical and logistical factors, which all contribute to a changing fuel environment as well as a changing fuel prices that vary on a monthly basis, as calculated by the Department of Mineral and Energy Affairs(DMEA). These factors including crude oil procurement, petroleum industry, synthetic fuel industry and geographical locations, are fundamentally important, and explained in more detail in the chapters to follow. Oil as main supply source to the fuel industry, plays a vital role to South Africa as industrial developing country. The crude oil imported from the eastern countries is refined into petroleum and alternative fuels, necessary to the economy. The oil price thus influences the petroleum price, which in turn influences the cost of food and accessories. This research will for this reason also focus on aspects such as the actual importation of crude oil, petroleum price structure, price zones, synfuels and alternative fuels, and the affect these aspects have on the fuel industry.

M.Ed. / In a country which has just acquired its democracy, education for all citizens is of primary concern. The illiteracy rate in South Africa is high, especially in the rural areas of the country. During this time when South Africa finds itself in a period of transition and of prioritizing items on its agenda, education in general and in particular education of those who had little or no education at all, is high on the priority list. While the government has targeted illiteracy as a major issue, other issues such as gender make the illiteracy situation even more complex, especially in the rural areas where the traditional tenets of the communities are still observed. The aim of this study is to explore the role gender plays in the involvement of adult learners in literacy programmes in the rural Mapulaneng area of Mpumalanga Province, in order to determine the possible implications for literacy programmes in other similar rural areas of South Africa. In order to achieve this aim, an interpretive design is applied and qualitative methods of data—collection are utilized. A literature study which consists of the exploration of the field of Adult Basic Education and gender in global education, with special reference to South African rural areas in particular, forms the theoretical background of the empirical research. Empirical data was obtained through observations and interviews and processed and analyzed by unitizing, categorizing and patterning, resulting in the findings of the research. Lastly, findings of this investigation are discussed in the light of relevant theory. The following are the main research findings: Gender does play a role in the involvement of learners in adult literacy programmes in the rural Mapulaneng area of Mpumalanga. There are learning needs that are specific to females but no particular needs specific to males. However, some needs are not gender—related and are common to both females and males. The main implications of the findings are: Adult literacy classes should be conducted during the evening, in order to accommodate workers, mostly men. There is a need for teacher training of both female and male literacy teachers. Some of the gender—related reasons for non—involvement of adult learners, particularly those that pertain to the dominance of males, would be difficult to address as they are deeply rooted in culture. In order to address the needs of male and female adult learners, a holistic approach should be applied. A holistic approach entails: not only teaching literacy but addressing other needs of the learners; not only addressing the expressed needs of learners (male and female), but also addressing the needs that they are not aware that they have.

M.A. (Historical Studies) / Since its inception in 1902 the aimof the Mine Workers' Union (MWU) was to protect the interests of the White worker. All the strikes organised by the MWU since 1907 had this mission in mind. The position of the skilled worker has always been at stake in the relationship between the government and the mine authorities due to the importance of the goldmine industry. This relationship has been complicated by the industry's dependence on more expensive skilled labour on the one hand and the availability of much cheaper unskilled Black labour on the other hand. White workers who exclusively represented the skilled labour force obtained guarantees for their position in 1911 when work reservation of certain positions wasgranted legal recognition. At the slightest threat to their security the White workers exhibited political power to the extent that this position was considered not negotiable. The MWU's unique relationship with the National Party since 1948 thus gave unequaled protection to a labour union. Socio-political changes in the RSA, especially in the late 1960's and early 1970's, required essential changes in labour relations. The mine industry has also been drawn into the new labour dispensation during the early eighties when jobs for coloured groups and Black people were brought in parity with jobs previously held by White mineworkers. The new labour dispensation proved to be unavoidable already in 1977. This caused resistance by the White mineworkers who considered the changes as treason by the National Party. They used political opportunities in an effort to maintain the status quo in the party's reforms in labour policy. The process which has been seen as politicising and even as militant petered out towards the end of 1981 when it was realised that the new labour dispensation was irreversible and the MWU in collaboration with the Herstige Nasionale Party were unable to obtain a mandate for amending the new labour policies. The MWU finally turned its back on the National Party when the Conservative Party was established in 1982. This party came into being in protest against the National Party's move away from apartheid. The Conservative Party made provision for white workers' right to self-determination as embodied in the old dispensation; it therefore obviously provided a home for the MWU. This merger between the Conservative party and the MWU which came into being after 1982 heralded a new dispensation for the MWU. It also provided the MWU with a new platform for political activities.

The thesis seeks to show Andrew Murray's growing understanding of what it meant to be the elect of God in contrast to other prevailing notions. In his confrontation with the Trekker communities, the majority of whom were rigid Calvinists, stressing a divine election based on the notions of biological and cultural identity, Murray found little of the holy behaviour which ought to characterize the people of God. The elect should be seen to be the elect by their fruits. Instead there was divisiveness, discrimination, party spirit and other forms of ungodliness. Faced with the immensity of the task in identifying the true Church and building God's people up in holiness, Murray began to sense the necessity of another 'dimension' within the Church's regular means of grace of preaching, the sacraments, and discipline. The revival of 1860, focussed Murray's attention in a new and vital way on the work of the Holy Spirit in breathing new life into the Church and in empowering believers to live lives pleasing to God. The 'indiscriminate' effects of the Holy Spirit's work convinced Murray that the Gospel and thus the Church was not the possession of the white colonist, Dutch or English, but that the black and brown man had an equal claim on the Gospel and as much right to become a member of Christ's Church. Murray's understanding of the Christian life as continual abiding in Christ by the power of the indwelling Holy Spirit meant that the believer came to have the mind of Christ and to partake of His holiness. This holiness evidenced itself in the believer having Christ's concern for the lost. Mission, therefore, became this supreme end of the Church. The struggle with the forces of liberalism raised the new issue that unbelievers could no longer be simply 'heathen blacks' or English but most of all Dutch. The support of the civil courts of those disciplined by the Church brought the whole problem of ecclesiology to the fore and led Murray to the conclusion of the necessary separation of the Church from the State. Murray's discovery that in various ages, nations and Church traditions there were those with the same passionate desire for God' s holiness, led him into an increasing awareness of the catholicity of the Church. True holiness demanded the love and unity of all God's children. Murray's ecclesiology was a biblically-based one at a time when communities were beginning to be formed by other than biblical notions and principles and by a people who were trying to pack more into the notion of a people of God than Scripture gave warrant for. The emphasis for which Murray stood made for an ecclesiology that simply could not be confined.

This research study investigates how selected Grade R teachers implement numeracy in their classrooms, based on their experiences, personal beliefs and perceptions. This study adopts the view that a teacher's practice is not only informed on what she believes about her learners, but also on how she organises her classroom environment and her own teaching practice. However, the teacher cannot be divorced from the political and historical background of Early Childhood Development (ECD), as these factors have an impact on her numeracy implementation. Integrated in this research study is thus not only a comprehensive historical analysis of the historical and political background of ECD, but also an in-depth look at the complex curriculum road the Grade R teacher had to travel over the past twelve years. The aim of this case study is to understand and describe what is happening in Grade R classrooms when numeracy is implemented, as well as identifying possible barriers which Grade R teachers may experience in implementing numeracy. The author utilized an adapted Interactive Qualitative Analysis Framework to explore Grade R teachers' views and experiences. Open-ended focus group interviews were used to develop a framework for individual interviews. This interview framework guided the data collection of nine audio-video tapes of classroom activities and nine semi-structured individual interviews. Analysis of the individual interviews revealed each teacher's understanding as well as her perceptions and needs regarding the implementation of numeracy in her classroom. The transcriptions of the individual interviews were compared to the audio-video tapes of what happened in each classroom. This was done in order to determine whether the teachers' practices were consistent with what they said in the interviews. Paradoxes and inconsistencies were documented. The historical and political analysis of ECD illustrates the complex development of ECD in South Africa over the last few decades. It therefore also highlights and brings to the fore the complex journey that Grade R teachers had to navigate in adapting their practice to ever changing curriculum requirements. The empirical results show that there are inconsistencies between what selected teachers know and believe, and what they are implementing. However, "silent themes" which did not come to the fore in the focus group or individual interviews, were identified in the audiovideo tapes of classroom activities. Also, many "silent themes" indicate that there are numerous concerns, such as lack of proficiency in bridging the gap between theory and practice, regarding the implementation of numeracy in Grade R. It was found that many of the selected Grade R teachers struggle to implement numeracy in their classrooms, as they lack the skills and support to teach numeracy in a Grade R context.

This thesis is an ethnography of Rastafari childhood in the former Cape Province, South Africa, through the eyes of both parents and children. If children are a ‘muted group’, then what are the identity formation implications for “double-muted” groups, the children of ethnic minorities whose voices are not heard? Rasta parents’ experience of the struggle, ie. the opposition to apartheid, has shaped the Rastafari chant of ‘equal rights’ and ‘justice’ into a distinctly South African form of protest and resistance. Their childhood experiences have resulted in a desire to provide a better life for their children, using Rastafari as a vehicle. This is expressed in a continuation of the struggle that was started during apartheid, in the Rasta ideology children grow up learning. The Rasta child has become a contested body in this struggle. The South African Government, through policy, has a mandate to protect the child, and legislature exists to do so in accordance with international law. However, as child-raising differs phenomenally from culture to culture, these goals on the part of the State start infringing upon the rights and freedoms of minorities to raise their children according to their own cultural goals. This study examines the tension between Rastafari and government with regards to child raising, specifically looking at the following main points of contestation: public health, public schools and policy/legislation; in order to examine how Rasta children negotiate their identity in the face of these conflicting messages and struggles. Their identity can be influenced by three main groups, the Rasta family they grow up in; school; and multi-media. What these children choose to accept or reject in their worldview is moderated by their own agency. This study shows that this tension results in a new generation of Rastafari children, who are strongly grounded in an identity as Rastafari and take pride in this identity. It also illustrates how Rastafari are impacting on and changing government policy through resistance. Their successes in challenging the state on the grounds of multiculturalism and religious freedom, has helped in the attainment of a sense of dignity.

This study constitutes an inquiry into how Olive Schreiner‟s peripheral position as a colonial woman writer enabled her rewriting of feminine identity, specifically her subversion of Victorian feminine stereotypes. I focus particular attention on three novels: The Story of an African Farm (1890), and the posthumously published From Man to Man (1926) and Undine (1929). I employ a feminist literary approach to examine how Schreiner‟s hybrid identity as a British South African enabled her revisioning of femininity. If Schreiner is situated within the context of her time, it can be demonstrated that her negotiations of feminine identity are influenced by her dual intellectual and cultural heritage. On the one hand, she can be situated within a British tradition of women‟s writing – in particular, the New Woman fiction which emerged in the late nineteenth century. On the other hand, she can be situated within a nascent South African literary tradition – and demonstrates prototypically post-colonial concerns. Schreiner‟s writing style develops out of her colonial heritage and her experiences as a woman living in a patriarchal society. The resultant voice subverts the narrative traditions of the metropolitan novel in an attempt to articulate an alternative view of femininity. I examine in detail how Schreiner undermines and subverts Victorian stereotypes, and focus particular attention on the „fallen woman‟ and the „mother-figure‟. She attempts to challenge conventional Victorian conceptions of femininity by erasing the binary between the „angel‟ and the „whore‟ in order to create a New Woman. In Undine and The Story of an African Farm the full realisation of this New Woman is deferred, since both protagonists die, but From Man to Man is more nuanced, particularly in its emphasis on economic empowerment for women. Schreiner also destabilises traditional notions of motherhood, in order to offer glimpses of an alternative maternal role. It is my contention that, in her depiction of mother-figures and (un)fallen women, Schreiner challenges stock Victorian notions of femininity and, in the process, creates a space in which new possibilities for women can be imagined and negotiated.

This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.

Present day Thembuland is situated roughly between the Mthatha and Kei rivers. It lies within the south-western portion of the political unit which has been known since 1976 as the Republic of Transkei. It comprises the territories formerly known as Emigrant Thembuland (now the districts of Cala and Cofimvaba) and Thembuland Proper, i.e. the districts of Mqanduli, Umtata, Engcobo and Bomvanaland. We have evidence that Thembu people had already settled in Thembu land Proper, at the Mbashe river, by the beginning of the 17th century. Pioneering clans many have entered the territory at a much earlier date. In the 1830's some clans broke away from the Mbashe settlement, and moved to the region of present day Queenstown. In 1853 their lands were included in the so-called Tambookie Location, which in 1871 became the district of Glen Grey. Emigrant Thembuland came into existence in 1865 when four chiefs from Glen Grey accepted Sir Philip Wodehouse's offer to settle on the lands across the White Kei whence the Xhosa chief Sarhili had been expelled in 1857. This thesis deals with the history of the people who lived in these territories between 1850 and 1900.

This thesis examines three contestations involving human remains which have arisen in the Eastern Cape over the past fifteen years. It shows that the value or meaning attached to human remains is constructed through the socio-historical dynamics out of which these contestations arise. The meaning and value of human remains is neither inherent nor neutral. In Ndancama's case, the need for housing in Fingo Village led hundreds of poor residents to settle on the township's Old Cemetery in 1972. Basic material needs trumped concerns for those buried in the cemetery. When the post-apartheid municipality sought to provide sewerage and housing infrastructure for Ndancama in 2003, its development plans were constrained by new heritage legislation which protects historic cemeteries. Residents insisted that their infrastructural needs were of primary importance. In 1993, the unearthing of human remains at the Old Military Cemetery in King William's Town created a thirteen year long saga which was only resolved with the reburial of the remains in 2006. The presence of the remains proved problematic for a number of reasons. Local authorities failed to rebury the remains speedily. The burden to store them fell on the Kaffrarian Museum which came under fire because this was considered unethical in the postapartheid era. The identity of the remains became a bone of contention in 2006 when the new Amathole District Municipality concluded that the remains were those of victims who died in the 1856-57 Great Cattle Killing. The remains and their reburial became symbols of past injustice and present restoration of African heritage. The 1996 quest by 'Nicholas Gcaleka', a 'self-styled' chief and traditional healer, to search for King Hintsa's skull in the United Kingdom provoked unprecedented public engagement with the incomplete narrative on the fate of Hintsa's body. The power to represent history, and the methods through which historical truth is discovered were at the heart of the contestation. Elites such as the Xhosa Royal and the white scientific establishment were considered neither credible nor authoritative on this historical matter. Public support for Gcaleka revealed that many South Africans sought just recompense for colonial injustices.