This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between the state and mining capital in South Africa since the beginning of gold mining. It provides a historical analysis centered around the notion that neither state nor capital have been able to dominate each other wholly but retained their respective relative strength and independence. By applying a qualitative approach, this thesis seeks to determine whether this notion still holds true today, how the relationship between the state and mining capital has evolved over time and by what factors was it determined. I suggest that structurally the nature of the state-capital relationship continues to endure fifteen years after apartheid. Accordingly the thesis is organized in terms of two critical junctures, one in the 1920s and one in the long 1970s when the balance of power between the state and mining capital experienced a number of shifts. Recent developments in post-apartheid South Africa seem, as of now at least, to represent more of a continuation of the shift that materialized in the long 1970s rather than a new conjuncture of its own or one in the making. Contrasting these findings with the adamant calls of the ANCYL for a nationalization of mines indicates that nationalization as the ANCYL foresees it does not seem to be informed by a historical understanding of the mining capital-state relations and that it is ceteris paribus unlikely to materialize. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die verhouding tussen die staat en mynbou kapitaal in Suid-Afrika sedert die begin van die goudwedloop. Op grond van ’n historiese oorsig word daar aan die hand gedoen dat nòg die staat nóg mynbou kapitaal mekaar oorheers het en dat hierdie tendens vyftien jaar na apartheid steeds voortduur. Die magsbalans tussen die staat en kapitaal word egter gekenmerk deur twee uiteenlopende periodes, naamlik die Twintiger jare en die langdurige Sewentigs. Verwikkelinge in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika suggereer ’n voortsetting van die dinamika van die Sewentigs. Volgens onlangse uitlatings deur die ANC Jeugliga blyk dit asof die beweging nie bewus is van die kompleksiteit van hierdie historiese verhouding nie en dat dit dus hoogs onwaarskynlik is dat nasionalisering in terme van ANC Jeugliga beleid die lig sal sien.

Thesis (MA (VA)(Visual Arts))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This thesis aims to investigate the representation of gender in Afrikaans underground comics. Initially the work of Conrad Botes and Anton Kannemeyer in Bitterkomix, dating from 1992 to 2004, will be discussed, followed by a closer look at Stripshow. Chapter one is primarily a discussion about pornography, starting with an overview of feminist arguments against it. This is followed by a number of counter arguments which are also rooted in feminist discourse. The sexually explicit images in Bitterkomix are then analysed according to the mentioned feminist arguments with a short investigation of the context which led to Bitterkomix’s inception, focusing on the dynamics of power and authority. This leads to a discussion of the origin of pornography which establishes Bitterkomix as part of a tradition where sexual explicitness is used in the service of social commentary. Chapter two investigates the connection between satire and iconoclasm and relates it to Stripshow and Bitterkomix. A discussion of the context in which Stripshow originated then follows. Finally, one story in Stripshow is analysed according to the preceding research in order to investigate the manifestation of satire and irony in the relationship between word and image.

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of various historical novels which dealt to a greater or lesser degree with the Great Trek and were written between the 1840s and the 1930s in Dutch, Afrikaans and English but with particular emphasis on H.P. Lamont's War, Wine and Women and Stuart Cloete's Turning Wheels (1937). The analysis of all these fictional reconstructions focuses on the portrayal of the Voortrekkers found in them. Much attention is also paid to the historical contexts in which the two principal works in question were written and the great controversies which they occasioned because both of their authors had had the temerity to challenge the long-established myth of the heroic Voortrekkers, one of the holiest of the iconic cows in the barns of their Afrikaner descendants. Chapter I, "Introduction", is a statement of the purpose of the study, its place in the context of analyses of the history of Afrikaner nationalism, its structure and the sources on which it is based. Chapter II, "The Unfolding of the Myth of the Heroic Voortrekkers", traces its evolution from the 1830s to the 1930s and explores how both English-speaking South Africans and Afrikaners, especially Gustav PrelIer, purposefully contributed to it. Also highlighted in this chapter is the significance of the Great Trek Centenary and the events leading up to it in the middle and late 1930s in intensifying Afrikaner nationalism. Chapter III, "The Heroic Myth in Early Dutch and Afrikaans Novels about the Great Trek", considers especially how these works were used as vehicles for placing before Afrikaners the historic virtues of their ancestors both to provide models for emulation and to stimulate their ethnic pride. Chapter IV, "Sympathetic English Reconstructions of the Great Trek", deals with two novels, Eugenie de Kalb's Far Enough and Francis Brett Young's They Seek a Country, both of which reproduced the heroic myth to some extent. Chapter V, "Rendezvous with Disaster? The South Africa in Which Lamont Wrote War, Wine and Women" establishes the context of intensifying Afrikaner nationalism which this immigrant from the United Kingdom encountered in the late 1920s when he accepted a lectureship at the University of Pretoria and why this context was hostile to a novel which was critical of Afrikanerdom. Chapter VI, "Wa1~ Wine and Women: Its General Context and Commentary on South Africa" explores how this work, conceived as a "war book" dealing with the 1914-1918 conflict in Europe, depicted both Englishmen and Afrikaners negatively. Chapter VII, "Academic Freedom vs. Afrikaner Nationalism: The Consequential Strife over War, Wine and Women" deals with the hostile reception of Lamont's pseudonymously published novel, the physical assault on him and his dismissal from his lectureship at the University of Pretoria. Chapter VIII, "The Rhetoric of Revenge in Lamont's Halcyon Days in Africa", explores how the author, after relurning lo England, used his pen as a weapon for striking back al his Afrikaans foes in South Africa. Chapter IX, "Stuart Cloete's Portrayal of the Voortrekkers in Turning U'heels", focuses on the portrayal of various ethnic types in his gallery of characters. Chapter X, "The Con troversy over Turning U'heels", handles the hostile and apparently orchestrated reaction to Cloete's book and how it was eventually banned. Chapter XI, "Conclusion: Quod Eral Demonstrandum", summarises several thematic findings which a detailed examination of the novels in their historical context yields. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling is 'n interdissiplinêre studie van verskeie historiese romans waarin daar in 'n mindere ofmeerdere mate op die Groot Trek gefokus word en wat geskryfis tussen die 1840's en die 1930's in Nederlands, Afrikaans en Engels, maar met die klem op H. P. Lamont se War, Wine and Wamen en Stuart Cloete se Turning Wheels (1937) in die besonder. Die analise van al hierdie fiktiewe rekonstruksies fokus op die uitbeelding van die Voortrekkers daarin. Daar word ook in die besonder aandag gegee aan die historiese kontekste waarbinne hierdie twee hoofwerke geskryfis en die groot polemiek daarrondom, omdat beide outeurs die vermetelheid gehad het om die lank reeds gevestigde mite van die heldhaftige Voortrekkers, een van die heiligste ikoniese koeie in die skure van die Afrikanernageslagte, uit te daag. Hoofstuk I, "Introduction", stel die doel van die studie, waar dit staan in die konteks van analises van die geskiedenis van Afrikanernasionalisme, die skruktuur en die bronne waarop dit gebaseer is. Hoofstuk II, "The Unfolding of the Myth of the Herioc Voortrekkers", volg die evolusie van Afrikanernasionalisme van die 1830's tot die 1930's en ondersoek op beide Engelssprekende Suid-Afrikaners en Afrikaners, veral Gustav Preller, doelgerig hiertoe bygedra het. In hierdie hoofstuk word daar ook beklemtoon hoe betekenisvol die honderdjarige herdenking van die Groot Trek en die gebeure wat daartoe aanleiding gegee het gedurende die middel- en laat 1930's, bygedra het tot die versterking van Afrikanernasionalisme. Hoofstuk III, "The Heroic Myth in Early Dutch and Afrikaans Novels about the Great Trek", bespreek veral hoe hierdie werke gebruik is om aan Afrikaners die historiese deugsaamheid van hulle voorvaders voor te hou en wat as voorbeelde moet dien wat nagestreef moet word en om hulle etniese trots te stimuleer. Hoofstuk IV, "Sympathetic English Reconstructions of the Great Trek", bespreek twee romans, Far Enough van Eugenie de Kalb en TheySeek a Country van Francis Brett Young, wat altwee die heroïse mite in 'n sekere mate herproduseer. Hoofstuk V, "Rendezvous with Disaster? The South Africa in Which Lamont Wrote War, Wine and Women" vestig die konteks van groeiende Afrikanernasionalisme wat hierdie immigrant van die Verenigde Koninkryk in die laat 1920's teëgekom het toe hy 'n lektoraat aan die Universiteit van Pretoria aanvaar het, en hoekom hierdie konteks vyandiggesind was teenoor 'n roman wat krities was teenoor die Afrikanerdom. Hoofstuk VI, "Wa1~ Wine and Women: Its General Context and Commentary on South Africa" ondersoek hoe hierdie werk, beskou as 'n "oorlogsboek" wat handeloor die 1914-1918 konflik in Europa, beide die Engelse en die Afrikaners in 'n negatiewe lig gestel het. Hoofstuk VII, "Academic Freedom vs. Afrikaner Nationalism: The Consequential Strife over War, Wine and Women" skenk aandag aan die vyandige ontvangs van Lamont se roman (gepubliseer onder 'n skuilnaam), die fisieke aanval op hom en sy ontslag as lektor van die Universiteit van Pretoria. Hoofstuk VIII, "The Rhetoric of Revenge in Lamont's Halcyon Days inAfrica", ondersoekhoe die outeur, na hy na Engeland teruggekeer het, sy pen as wapen gebruik het in 'n teenaanval op sy Afrikaanse vyande in Suid-Afrika. Hoofstuk IX, "Stuart Cloete's Portrayal of the Voortrekkers in Turning Wheels", fokus op die uitbeelding van verskeie etniese tipes in sy gallery karakters. Hoofstuk X, "The Controversy over Tumng Wheels", bespreek die vyandige en klaarblyklike georkestreerde reaksie op Cloete se boek, en hoe dit uiteindelik verban is. Hoofstuk XI, "Conclusion: Quod Era! Demonstrandum", bied 'n opsomming van verskei tematiese bevindinge aan, wat deur 'n gedetaileerde ondersoek van die romans opgelewer is.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: District Six originated in the eighteen fifties on neighbouring wine farms close to Cape Town's city centre. The first inhabitants were Europeans, but were later joined by free slaves. By 1849 the total number of inhabitants was 2943 and as a municipal area became known as the sixth district of Cape Town. Over the years District Six developed an own unique cosmopolitan character and despite a stigma as a backward residential area District Six developed as a multiracial community with its own vibrant spirit. By 1966 there were 3700 properties of which 56% were owned by Whites, 26% by Coloureds and 18% by Indians. In the same year the area had 21 schools and 17 places of worship. One of the main causes of physical deterioration was overpopulation. The occupancy figure by the 1850's was approximately 2,5 persons per habitable room. Overcrowding led to subletting of even the smallest rooms and resulted in gross exploitation of tenants, horrific crime and moral decay, all of which contributed to the slum status of the area. In 1962 the City of Cape Town devised a pilot plan for the rehabilitation of the area, but this plan was never implemented. Years of neglect of municipal services worsened the degredation of many historic buildings as well as decent living conditions for its residents. In 1962 the Group Areas Board recommended that District Six be declared a Coloured Group Area. The N.P. government rejected this recommendation and on 11 February 1966 through Proclamation 43, declared 94 hectares of the traditional District Six as an area for White occupation. Between 1965 and 1975 the government froze all property transactions in District Six to enable them to plan the redevelopment of the area. The state made financial offers to property owners, but only 10% accepted these. The majority declined these and blamed this on inflexible property valuations of the state. By 1980 the state had spent R25 million on the acquisition of properties in District Six. Government demolition of structures took place between 1968 and 1982 and resulted in the flattenning of most buildings except for a few churches. Expropriated Coloured and Indian residents were removed to the newly created residential areas on the Cape Flats. Although some previous residents of District Six were happy with their accommodation most objected to the high bond repayments on their new homes, higher transport cost to work and the breakdown of existing communities. The biggest opposition to the declaration of District Six as an area for White occupation came from local groups, namely: The Friends of District Six and the District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers Association (RRR). Opposition political parties and the press used the physical and mental suffering of the residents to challenge the government. The redevelopment of District Six was characterised by continous changes to proposed plans. In 1964 the government appointed the Niemand Committee to investigate the replanning and redevelopment of District Six. In 1970 a master plan for redevelopment was recommended . In 1974 the first properties were sold to white people by the government. In 1975 the neighbouring Walmer Estate was declared a Coloured Group Area and three years later District Six was renamed as Zonnebloem. In 1979 parts of the neighbouring Woodstock and Salt River were declared Coloured Group Areas. In 1982 the Presidents Council recommended that part of District Six be returned to the Coloured community, but the government rejected this and in October 1982 year the first whites settled in District Six. The following year a part of District Six was declared Coloured area. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Distrik Ses het in die vyftigerjare van die negentiende eeu op aanliggende wynplase van Kaapstad ontstaan. Aanvanklik het Blankes van verskillende nasionaliteite daar gevestig en later het vrygestelde slawe die inwonertal laat toeneem. Teen 1849 was die inwonertal ongeveer 2943 en in 1867 het die gebied bekend geword as die sesde distrik van Kaapstad . Distrik Ses het n eiesoortige en unieke kosmopolitiese karakter ontwikkel. Ten spyte van n stigma van agterlikheid het die gebied n borrelende en veelrassige gemeenskap gehad. In 1966 was daar ongeveer 3700 eiendomme in Distrik Ses waarvan 56% aan Blankes, 26% aan Kleurlinge en 18% aan Indiers behoort het. Teen 1966 was daar 21 skole en sewentien plekke van godsdienstige aanbidding in die gebied. Oorbevolking was een van die grootste oorsake van verval in die gebied. In die vyftigerjare was die besettingsyfer van geboue ongeveer 2,5 persone per bewoonbare vertrek. Die gevolg was onderverhuring, gruwelike uitbuiting van huurders, misdaad en sedelike verval wat aan die gebied n slumstatus besorg het. Jarelange verwaarlosing van munisipale dienste het tot vervaI van gebouestrukture en Iewenstoestande gelei. Die stadsraad se loodsplan vir opruiming in 1962 is nooit geimplementeer nie. Die Groepsgebiederaad het in 1962 aanbeveel dat die gebied as n Kleurling-groepsgebied verklaar moes word. Ten spyte van die aanbeveling is 94 hektaar van die tradisionele Distrik Ses op 11 Februarie 1966 volgens Proklamasie 43 van 1966 as n Blanke Groepsgebied verklaar. Die regering het vanaf 1965 tot 1975 aile eiendomstransaksies in Distrik Ses gevries om sodoende die herontwikkeling van die gebied te beplan. Ongeveer 10% van die eienaars het die staat se aanbod vir hul eiendom aanvaar. Die meeste het egter beswaar gemaak teen die staat se onbuigsame skattings. Teen 1980 het die staat R25 miljoen bestee aan die verkryging Slopingswerk in Distrik Ses het tussen 1968 en 1982 plaasgevind. Byna aIle geboue is gesloop en slegs enkele kerke is behou. Inwoners is na verskeie woonbuurte op die Kaapse Vlakte verskuif Alhoewel sommige vorige inwoners van Distrik Ses tevrede was met hulle nuwe woonplekke was die meeste ontevrede oor die hoe verbandkoste van nuwe wonings, hoer reiskoste en die verbrokkeling van gemeenskappe. Die grootste opposisie teen die Blankverklaring van Distrik Ses was The Friends of District Six en die District Six Residents', Rent and Ratepayers' Association (RRR). Opposisiepolitieke partye en die pers het die regering se rassebeleid aangeval deur te konsentreer op die ontberinge van die inwoners. Die herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses is gekenmerk deur voortdurende verandering. In 1964 is die Niemand-komitee aangestel om die herbeplanning en herontwikkeling van Distrik Ses te ondersoek. In 1970 is n meesterplan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses aanbeveel. In Julie 1974 het die regering die eerste eiendom in Distrik Ses aan Blankes verkoop. In 1975 is die aangrensende Walmer Estate tot Kleurlinggroepsgebied verklaar. Distrik Ses is in 1978 herdoop en R9 rniljoen is bewillig vir die rehabilitasieskema. In 1979 is dele van die aangrensende Woodstock en Soutrivier tot Kleurlinggroepsgebiede verklaar. In 1980 is ri gewysigde plan vir die ontwikkeling van Distrik Ses voorgele. In 1981 het die regering die Presidentsraad se aanbeveling dat n gedeelte van Distrik Ses aan die Kleurlinggemeenskap teruggegee moes word, verwerp. In Oktober 1982 het die eerste blankes in Distrik Ses gevestig. In 1983 is n gedeelte van Distrik Ses as Kleurlinggebied verklaar.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The terminology used in segregationist discourse that South Africa is a combination of 'first world' and 'third world' elements has been appropriated from an international discourse about problems of world-wide socio-economic development. The terms are used to describe the sophisticated metropolitan areas inhabited by highly developed whites and simple, backward, isolated, rural regions occupied by undeveloped or underdeveloped blacks. However, in South Africa this dual world metaphor, which has socio-political implications that have brought great misfortune to blacks, was institutionalised by apartheid, with the consequences that blacks have expressed their resistance in what became known as the 'struggle' against the dualist system. Selected South African and African films whose themes have a bearing on such a socio-economic system are explored in this thesis. A supplementary exploration of films dealing with the theme of the 'struggle', which has become a metaphor for the 'generations of resistance', has been undertaken by means ofa detailed analysis. The interpretation of 'development' in this thesis finds a link betweeen the dualist paradigm, the perpetuation of poverty and the migratory labour system. The peculiar relationship which the 'struggle' has had with the cultures of black people, in which there is a mutual influence between the 'struggle' and the nature of these cultures, is explored in the relevant films. However, this thesis offers no solutions, but exposes a VICIOUS system which IS threatening to gain world ascendency. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die terminologie gebruik in die segregasie-diskoers tot die effek dat Suid-Afrika 'n kombinasie van 'Eerste Wêreld' en 'Derde Wêreld' elemente is, is oorgeneem uit 'n internasionale diskoers wat handeloor wêreld-wye sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Dié terme word gebruik om die gesofistikeerde metropolitaanse areas bewoon deur hoogsontwikkelde blankes en eenvoudige, agterlike, geïsoleerde, landelike streke beset deur onder- of on-ontwikkelde swartes te beskryf. Maar in Suid-Afrika is hierdie dubbelwêreld metafoor - met die sosio-politiese implikasies daarvan wat tot groot ellende vir swartes aanleiding gegee het - deur Apartheid geïnstitusionaliseer, met die gevolg dat swartes hul weerstand uitgedruk het in wat bekend geword het as die 'struggle' teen dierdie dualistiese sisteem. 'n Keur van films uit Suid-Afrika en die res van Afrika, die tema's waarvan betrekking het op hierdie sosio-ekonomiese sisteem, word ondersoek in hierdie skripsie. 'n Bykomstige ondersoek na films wat handeloor die tematiek van die 'struggle', wat metafories geword het vir die 'generasie van weerstand', is by wyse van 'n meer gedetaileerde analise uitgevoer. Die interpretasie van 'ontwikkeling' in hierdie skripsie ontbloot 'n verband tussen die dualistiese sisteem, die voortsetting van armoede en die sisteem van trekardbeid. Die besonderse manier wat die 'struggle' met die kulture van swart mense verhou, waarin daar 'n wedersydse beïnvloeding tussen die 'struggle' en die aard van die kulture plaasvind, word ondersoek in die relevante films. Hierdie skripsie bied egter geen oplossings nie, maar ontmasker eerder 'n wrede sisteem wat dreig tot wêreld-oorheersing.

The early professional history of black South African nurses has not been the principal focus of local historians. Consequently, a qualitative historical inquiry was conducted into the available literature on the economic, social, political and cultural factors that influenced the professional development of black South African nurses from 1908–1994. Non-probability, purposive sampling assisted in assembling a corpus of historically rich data for analysis using time-specific a priori codes. The findings revealed that; culturally, black South African nurses had to adapt to a Western-dominated scientific health view; educationally, they had to master specialised formal Western terminology presented in a ‘foreign’ language (English) and, socio-politically, they had to adapt to being regarded as an elitist middle-class in the black community while remaining marginalised in the white-dominated workplace. Recommendations include expanding the historical research base, designing more effective strategies for promoting cultural sensitivity, and prioritising the focus on teaching and student retention. / Health Studies / M.A. (Health Studies)

This study explored how social media are setting the agenda of the traditional media and re-defining the role of the journalists. Content analysis was done to analyse the coverage of Jacob Zuma stories in newspapers and on Facebook, from the 1st of February until the 30th of June 2018.The sample for the study was drawn from three local newspapers, the Citizen, the Sowetan, the NewAge (AfroVoice), as well as the Facebook page called #Zumamustfall. This was done to determine if newspapers which are traditional media were being influenced by social media in what stories to report on. Results from the study showed that social media are influential in building an agenda for the traditional media and in particular, with the Zuma story. In the same vein, it emerged that traditional and social media set the agenda for each other. Based on these findings the research recommends that other social media sites including Twitter be used in similar research to determine their effects on agenda setting of traditional media (newspapers). / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)

Text in English / This thesis investigates whether or not the press reported unethically on South Africa’s 2014 General Elections in the weekly national newspapers the City Press, Sunday Times and the Mail & Guardian. This study was undertaken on the basis of the ongoing contention between the press and the state which has resulted in polarised positions between both institutions amid accusations of press bias. It has given voice to measures to regulate the press through a Media Appeals Tribunal (MAT) and proposed state regulation. This could negatively impact free speech, public interest and ultimately democracy. This researcher contends that this will not be in the best interest of South Africa. Through this study, it is argued that an ethical press that executes a libertarian duty to society, integrating a watchdog role over the state, while simultaneously overseeing its social responsibility to society, upholds the welfare of society and democracy and should therefore not be regulated by the state. The elections thus forms an important platform for the press to demonstrate unbiased ethical reportage to the state in the wake of being regulated and prove its fundamental role in society’s interest and democracy. Therefore, to determine whether the election coverage was ethical or unethical, the problem investigated whether the press, that is, the print medium in the form of the newspaper, reported truthfully, in a balanced manner and independently for South Africa’s 2014 General Elections, upholding its watchdog and social responsibility roles. This was done through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the front-page news reports of the aforementioned national newspapers for the cross sectional time-frame of 13 April to 11 May, 2014. This study argues that language is the most important channel of communication for the exchange of ideas and can be used as an instrument to calculatedly manipulate message and reinforce a particular viewpoint. Hence, it contends that CDA can effectively be utilised as a conceptual framework for language analysis to determine unethical press coverage by journalists. The study identifies and applies two significant theoretical models that is, the Libertarian and Social Responsibility models for the elections which further serves as a form of triangulation to verify the results of the CDA. The study challenges the conventions of a distinct libertarian or a social responsibility model for the press, arguing that both models are not mutually exclusive for the elections. The analysis shows that the press apply both social responsibility and libertarian roles simultaneously in election reporting. It further maps out the incorporation of the developmental journalism model where the press upholds the best interests of both the electorate and the state ethically, without the requirement of a state-regulated media. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication Science)

Thesis (MA (Afrikaans Cultural History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / Elim, a mission station of the Moravian Church, was established in 1824. The settlement is situated 48 kilometres from the southern extreme of the African continent. Vogelstruiskraal farm, is a sparsely populated area, a unique community has developed where the congregation is the community and the community is the congregation. ...