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This thesis proposes a legal and organizational approach to better understand processes of modernisation and the emergence of nationalist conflict. Theories of nationalism tend to be significantly influenced by state-centred and rather abstract positivist interpretations of law. Legal perspectives that have proposed understating law in relation to findings developed through the empirical study of law, such as legal realism or legal pluralism, have questioned positivist conceptions of law, emphasising the historical processes that created such conceptions of law, and the relationship between legal praxis and conceptions of society. Presumptions about personhood and society such as those influencing nationalist conflict may not be unrelated to legal existence and legal practice. Social actors’ interpretations of law, and the capacity of social authorities to mobilize human and material resources in defence of certain conceptions of law, may have been able to influence legal and political histories of European states, as well as the national or regional identities that would develop in relation to legal recognition and legitimate exercise of types and degrees of social powers. The historical study of Spanish and Basque nationalisms, although generally involving constant references to law – especially to constitutional law and to the fueros – tends to overlook the influence that social actors’ perceptions of legal order may have had in shaping the emergence of nationalist conflicts. Often, the focus is directed towards factors related to ethno-linguistic features or political ideologies. This thesis studies a historical puzzle, one that appears to have been influenced by legally defined entities, that have influenced the legal and political history of the state, and that may have influenced the development of a Basque-Spanish nationalist conflict: the different jurisdictional and ideological paths followed by key social majorities in Navarre and Euskadi between 1876 and 1936 after at least a century of displaying a rather similar position in regards to the state.

North American histories of homelessness have focused upon the specific image of the “tramp.” Exemplified by Charlie Chaplin, Jack London, and various other popular representations in a variety of media formats, the tramp, hobo or bindlestiff is a classic North American symbol. This “tramp” is often represented as a young, white, heteronormative man, and many histories of homelessness focus upon subjects like him. However, newly accessible police, charity and census materials suggest the early twentieth century homeless population in the Pacific Northwest was more racially and sexually diverse than previously thought. Using a Gramscian liberal order framework theory, I argue that the tramp became a North American liberal ideological icon in response to a growing tension between the needs of capital for a free moving body of labourers and the growing panoptic state. By breaking down the tramp mythos and offering a more accurate image of turn of the century homeless people, we can see the ways liberal ideology has been twisted to justify incarceration, harassment, and exclusion. / Graduate / 2019-08-24

Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet., 2004.

This thesis is a historical case study of the Ute Indians of eastern Utah. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how federal Indian education policy is implemented at the local level. Ute children attend school in the Uintah and Duchesne county school districts. The thesis traces Ute experiences in public schools during crucial transitions in federal policy. From 1900 to 1930, the federal government sought to enroll Indians in public schools in order to teach them white ways. Indian enrollment increased in the 1940s and 1950s when federal funding made the attendance of Ute children lucrative to the school districts. After the reservation boarding school closed in 1952, nearly all of the Ute children attended public schools and faced a school system that was hostile to their culture. A key transition occurred in the 1970s when federal policy shifted to one of self-determination. The Indian Education Act of 1972 made mandatory the direct participation by Indian parents in the implementation of federally funded programs. Many parents failed to grasp the new opportunity. The Ute Tribal Education Division became heavily involved in running Ute history and language classes in the public schools under Title IV of the Indian Education Act of 1972 and under Title VII of the 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Despite the existence of a policy that advocated self determination, Utes were not really allowed to determine how federal money was spent. The 1972 Indian Education Act established an advisory role for parents rather than an administrative one. Local school districts still controlled the purse strings. Programs run under this act were not integrated into the core curriculum of local schools. Federal Indian education policy changed from decade to decade but local attitudes remained essentially the same, blunting each policy's effectiveness. When the federal government desired assimilation, local residents and Indians fought that goal. When the federal government switched to a policy of self-determination, misunderstanding and outright hostility kept it from fulfillment at the local level. In addition to problems associated with local attitudes, federal legislation also proved unworkable because it gave Indians no real power to make the school districts listen to them.

Twentieth century has seen a significant number of social changes, taking in different forms of revolution, revolts and protests. Nevertheless, as the world stabilized with the termination of Cold War, contention also seemed to have died down. Dominating theories concluded with generalizations that contentions are inevitable process of social change; it comes and goes. South Korea, on the other hand, remains an anomaly due to contentious actors’ persisting influence in the society. In reality, contention does not exist in isolation from the society, but arises from the very soil of it. South Korea actors, the institutions and parties reflecting contentious identity attests its protracted existence beyond the contentious episodes. I argue that contentious politics is not an isolated event that belongs in the transitionary period, but is capable of creating a continuously interacting variable in the society. Thus, in the case of South Korea and its protracted democratization, contention needs to be understood as an organic product of South Korean history that continues to influence the contentious identity to fulfill their self-perceived historical duty of achieving a legitimate government. / 2023-12-30

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(エネルギー科学) / 甲第24974号 / エネ博第470号 / 新制||エネ||88(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院エネルギー科学研究科エネルギー社会・環境科学専攻 / (主査)教授 MCLELLAN Benjamin, 教授 下田 宏, 教授 吉田 純 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Energy Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

Magister Commercii - MCom (Economics) / Described by Mohr (2008:1) as "one of the most hotly debated economic issues in South Africa", the inflation rate is underpinned by its impact on the average South African. A rapid increase in the cost of goods and services could have devastating consequences on the both the growth and development of the country, making it an imperative to effectively manage a change in general prices. The SARB applies an Inflation Targeting (IT) framework to manage the inflation rate and the thesis will interrogate the applicability of this framework within a low growth environment. More specifically, the thesis will ask whether it is prudent to increase the interest rate in a low growth environment. The thesis will employ a mixed research method, namely, a qualitative and quantitative method. However, the qualitative method will be the primary research method and the conclusions derived thereof will be tested within a qualitative model. The qualitative method will take the form of historical narrative which is designed to investigate the behaviour of the inflation rate at a micro level. The choice of this qualitative historical narrative derives from the inconclusive nature of the existing empirical quantitative studies and the resulting lack of a consensus on the effectiveness of the IT framework. This lack of consensus necessitated the use of a different approach to interrogate the IT framework hence the application of the qualitative historical narrative. The narrative will be primarily derived from the economic reports and data of the main authority on South Africa's monetary policy, the South Africa Reserve Bank (SARB). The narrative will also utilise the economic reports and data from reputable sources such as Statistics South Africa, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, the European Central Bank (ECB), the US Federal Reserve System, and the People's Bank of China (PBC).

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / nÃo hà / AnÃlise sÃcio-histÃrica de cartilhas sobre alimentaÃÃo publicadas com a finalidade de educaÃÃo alimentar, no perÃodo de emergÃncia do saber em alimentaÃÃo e nutriÃÃo no Brasil, dÃcadas de 1930 e 1940. No Brasil, a partir da dÃcada de 1930 a discussÃo acadÃmica sobre alimentaÃÃo vai ganhando cada vez mais propriedade, passando a constituir-se em um campo de saber especÃfico. Considerando o momento de abundÃncia das publicaÃÃes nacionais sobre alimentaÃÃo e de lanÃamento das bases do conhecimento e o desencadeamento de sua aplicaÃÃo prÃtica, em termos de pesquisa cientÃfica, tomo para anÃlise nesse estudo as cartilhas: âOs pequenos fundamentos da boa alimentaÃÃoâ, de Thalino Botelho (1938); âCartilha de AlimentaÃÃo do Brasilâ, de Mario Rangel (1938); âABC da alimentaÃÃoâ, de Orlando Parahym (1943); e a âCartilha Alimentar do Homem Ruralâ, de Rubens de Siqueira (1946). Objetivo identificar a concepÃÃo de alimento e de educaÃÃo alimentar, conceitos de comida, alimentaÃÃo e nutriÃÃo, verificando como se expressam, de forma manifesta ou latente, conteÃdos de natureza polÃtica, de controle social e moral. Refletem na obra os objetivos de controle e intervenÃÃo estatal, aplicados metodologicamente sob orientaÃÃo pedagÃgica renovadora com rÃpidos traÃos da pedagogia tradicional. A idÃia central seria modificar os maus hÃbitos alimentares do povo brasileiro, ensinando-o a alimentar-se racionalmente, pela experiÃncia, praticando as regras e conselhos do saber mÃdico. Objetivava aperfeiÃoar a raÃa brasileira, aumentando sua resistÃncia biolÃgica, disciplinando o corpo, focalizando o mÃximo desempenho do sistema produtivo. O intuito era formar uma nacionalidade brasileira produtiva que levasse o paÃs ao progresso econÃmico e social.

While political parties in Europe are incredibly adaptable organizations, they have varied in the extent to which they are able to adapt to social and political transformations. I explain parties' adaptability in two steps. 1) Adaptability depends on factionalism in a nonlinear way. Giving too much room and no room at all to factions undermines a party's ability to adapt. 2) Factionalism depends on early organizational characteristics. The more centralized the initially introduced leadership selection process is, the more party elites will be incentivized to form factions. This argument applies to political parties that allow for internal competition and elect their leaders according to formal rules. I use statistical tools, a medium- and small-N analysis and systematic process tracing to test my framework against competing explanations. I focus on Christian democracy to use a most-similar system design. The main empirical part of the thesis relies on a structured focused comparison of the Italian DC, Austrian ÖVP and German CDU. It is guided by a nested analysis and builds on a large amount of primary data which has not been analyzed before. I test my theory on the additional cases of the Portuguese, Dutch and Luxembourgian Christian Democrats and the French MRP. My main finding is that early organizational choices matter. The initial form the leadership selection process takes has a decisive impact on the incentives of intra-party actors to form factions. The initial level of factionalism becomes deeply entrenched in the party's organization and internal code of practice. This explains why party elites are unlikely to change it when they realize that their party's level of factionalism undermines its adaptability. Moving beyond the focus of path dependence on a single level has thus important implications for the literature on party politics, factionalism, party organizations and institutional development.