Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this thesis was to evaluate the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa, with specific reference to the capacity of the policy to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality. The dispute about the aptness of nee-liberalism in South Africa also relates to the broader debate concerning the success of neo-liberalism in creating economic growth to the benefit of all members of society. A qualitative analysis of the research and diverging opinions with regards to neo-liberalism was used to derive an objective framework for the evaluation of economic policy. This framework was then used as the basis of an evaluation of the success of neo-liberalism in South Africa. It was found that neo-liberalism is generally successful in the generation of economic growth with the capacity to address poverty, and that the implementation of neo-liberal policies does not necessarily lead to an increase in inequality. It was, however, also proven that there are specific cases in which neo-liberalism is not successful. It was therefore argued that the continuation of neo-liberal policies in South Africa cannot be justified on the grounds of the success of the policy in the global context. Seeing as the success of the policy seems to be context specific, it was argued that evaluations of the policy should have the same context specific basis. Since South Africa's political transition ID 1994, neo-liberalism has gradually been established as the foundation of economic policy. The success of neo-liberalism in South Africa was therefore evaluated through an analysis of the changes in the levels of poverty and inequality in the country since this transition. It was found that very little progress has been made in the reduction of inequality, that poverty has increased and that South Africa's Human Development Index (as an indication of the success of development policy) has decreased since 1994. It was therefore concluded that neo-liberalism in South-Africa is not successful, and that it is thus necessary to identify an alternative framework for the eradication of poverty and reduction of inequality in the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in Suid-Afrika te bepaal. Die debat oor die wenslikheid van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika skakelook in by die breër debat rakende die sukses van neo-liberalisme in die generering van ekonomiese groei tot voordeel van alle lede van die samelewing. Daar is daarom gepoog om deur 'n kwalitatiewe analise van die navorsing en verskillende standpunte oor die onderwerp 'n objektiewe raamwerk vir die evaluering van ekonomiese beleid af te lei. Hierdie raamwerk is gebruik as basis vir 'n evaluering van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika. Daar is bevind dat neo-liberalisme oor die algemeen suksesvol is in die generering van ekonomiese groei ter verligting van armoede, en dat die implementering van neo-liberale ekonomiese beleidsmaatreëls nie noodwendig gepaard gaan met groter ongelykheid nie. Daar is egter ook bewys gelewer van spesifieke gevalle waar neo-liberalisme onsuksesvol is. Daarom word daar geredeneer dat die voortsetting van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika nie op grond van die sukses van die beleid in die globale konteks gemotiveer kan word nie. Die sukses van die beleid blyk konteks-spesifiek te wees, en die evaluering daarvan behoort dus dieselfde konteks-spesifieke basis te hê. Neo-liberalisme is sedert die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 geleidelik gevestig as die basis van ekonomiese beleid. Die sukses van neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika is dus geëvalueer deur 'n analise van die veranderinge in vlakke van armoede en ongelykheid sedert hierdie oorgang. Daar is bevind dat daar min vordering gemaak is met die vermindering van ongelykheid, dat vlakke van armoede verhoog het, en dat Suid-Afrika se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks (as aanduiding van sukses van ontwikkelingsbeleid) sedert 1994 afgeneem het. Daar is dus tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat neo-liberalisme in Suid-Afrika rue suksesvol is nie, en dat dit nodig is om 'n alternatiewe raamwerk vir die verligting van armoede en vermindering van ongelykheid in die land te identifiseer.

Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018. / Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) has been the epitome of policy reform pervading South Africa (SA) since 1994, the end of apartheid. Often making media headlines, it inherently arrogates itself to all stakeholders engaged in commerce with/within SA. The impetus for the study ensued owing to recent (2013) changes to the B-BBEE legislative landscape. More specifically, the focus of the study was on one segment: Qualifying Small Enterprises (QSEs), operating within the same realm as Small Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs). The rationale for such a focus stemmed from this market segment’s seemingly rigid response to such change, deemed to support this study’s results. The literature review embarked upon in Chapters 2 to 4, that is, collecting secondary data, provided for a solid foundation relative to a subject matter embedded with technical jargon and often driven by highly emotive/subjective inputs from stakeholders. The literature primarily drew from untested assumptions: these were mainly due to the high degree of contentiousness surrounding B-BBEE as subject matter, the lack of research (statistical results) relative to B-BBEE legislative change and more specifically, the lack of the latter relative to this study’s scope. The above introduction initiates the notion of there being inherent demarcations to this study, dictating the most relevant research design and methodology suited thereto. A pragmatic research philosophy was adopted, owing to its qualitative, exploratory enquiry. Furthermore, the unit of analysis, consisting of 16 samples, was conveniently selected. Although convenience sampling was regarded the most suitable approach to collecting data, it gave rise to the study’s biggest limitation: its inability to generalise findings. On that note, its findings were in line with the researcher’s precedential assumption upon its initiation: legislative change to Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) for Qualifying Small Enterprises (QSEs) lead(s) to non-compliance and impeded transformation goals. The results give rise to a plethora of valuable insights into the dynamics of the industry, not only for strategic direction to be set for/by stakeholders on both a micro and macro level, but also providing a solid foundation relative to further research to be embarked upon – a notion highly advocated in supporting the integration of sustainable transformation in modern South Africa (SA).

This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.

This study analyses whether the advent of strike action has an effect on the value and volatility of the South African Rand compared with the US Dollar. The literature suggests that strike action can have a significant effect on the exchange rate in terms of either value or volatility, and consequences can result that cause inefficiencies in the economy; inhibiting employment and economic growth. Strike action has become common place in South Africa, with 2012 alone recording 99 strikes, 45 of which were “wildcat” or unprotected strikes. This study uses GARCH and Intervention Analyses to determine what the resulting effects of the strikes might be on the exchange rate. The analysis used ZAR/USD exchange rate data for the period January 2000 to October 2013, and covered 72 of the most significant strikes in terms of lost man-days. The results are mixed, suggesting that the effects of strikes do not always conform to expectations (increased volatility and a depreciation in the Rand), and that outside factors affecting the global economy may have a more significant effect on the exchange rate than strikes on their own.

The enormous social, economic, and political government-led societal transformation South Africans have experienced over the past 15 years have brought about numerous societal and identity changes. The aim of the present study was to explore how dominant (White participants) and non-dominant (Black participants) groups experiencing the government-led societal transformation process deal with perceptions of intergroup differences based on Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) and related field research. Social Identity Theory predicts that in the presence of intergroup differences group members irrespective of their status position will apply identity management strategies to either improve or maintain their status position. The relationships between perceptions of intergroup relations and identity management strategies as proposed by Social Identity Theory were tested studying 170 second year Rhodes University psychology students. Sixty participants indicated themselves as Black South Africans (representing non-dominant group) and 110 participants identified themselves as White South Africans (dominant group). The results revealed that dominant and non-dominant groups differ systematically regarding the functional interaction between beliefs about the intergroup situation and identity management strategies. The results of the study indicate too, that ingroup identification differentiates between individual and collective strategies irrespective of the group’s status position.

Amartya Sen argued that poverty was the “deprivation” of the capability to lead a “good life”, therefore ending poverty meant meeting basic physical and social needs, and enabling meaningful economic and political choices. The principal objective of this research was to investigate whether (and if so, in what ways) post-apartheid state-provided non-contributory cash social grants in South Africa reduced “poverty” in Sen’s sense. This thesis used Ezibeleni, a historically black working class township at Queenstown, in the Eastern Cape, as a reference area. Using in-depth interviews, it found that social grants did help reduce poverty, both in terms of helping meet basic needs and enabling grant recipients to make more choices, including facilitating job searches and small businesses. However, it was also found that grants fall short of ending poverty, as the grants were too small to adequately cover basic needs in the context of large family sizes, a serious and long-term lack of resources, persistent unemployment, and high indebtedness, and could also enable only a limited expansion of choices. The grants played a positive role, but were inadequate to remove the “unfreedoms” facing the poor.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / South Africa and Malaysia share a similar history charecterised by multi-ethnicity and similar policies in redressing their economic imbalances created by past colonial experiences. In both countries, the decolonization process left economic power with minority ethnic groups, a phenomenon that led to the exclusion of the majority of people from meaningful participation in the mainstream economy. It has been argued that in such instances minority ethnic communities often experience minority domination of the economy in ethnic terms as control of economic levers of economic power. Upon independence, Malaysia and South Africa faced the challenge of redressing the socio-economic and political imbalances. In South Africa, the government led by the African National Congress (ANC) adopted the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) programme to create an inclusive economy that can meet the needs of its entire citizen. Unlike Malaysia where the economic restructuring took place in a less globalised period, South Africa’s economic restructuring occurs at a time when globalisation is at an advanced stage. This has made it difficult for the South African government to match Malaysia’s successes in redressing the economic imbalances. Also, in adopting the BEE programme the ANC government has not given enough attention to education and skills development, two elements that were key to Malaysia’s own model of economic empowerment. Strategies to address poverty have so far borne little success thus further condemning the majority of Black people to impoverished conditions. The outcome of the study suggests that in order for BEE to be successful, the ANC government has to empower the majority of black people with the necessary skills that will make them active participants in the mainstream economy. Also, a broadened empowerment process should see education, skills development and poverty alleviation become aligned to the BEE programme.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Instability in foreign political and social systems, changing power structures in international relations, and growing demands by host countries for a greater control over the operations of multinational enterprises (MNEs) have all led to the necessity of an improved way in which to determine foreign investment opportunities. Not surprisingly therefore, political risk assessment has become one of the fastest growing fields of study. Being concerned with the identification, analysis, management, and reduction of socio-political risks for foreign investors. The focus of this study is that of political risk analysis and the way in which it impacts on investor perception and consequently determines levels of foreign direct investment received by a particular country. Numerous definitions for the term "political risk" exist. Consequently, no specific definition is regarded as being completely correct since consensus still needs to be reached. One of the definitions used within this study is that political risk analysis is the analysis of the possibility that factors caused or influenced by governmental political decisions or other unforeseen events in a country will affect business climates in such a way that investors will lose money or not make as much profit as they expected when the initial decision to invest was made. These factors can be of internal (from inside the host country) or external origin, and can pose macro or micro risks. Foreign Direct Investment in brief is an investment involving a long-term relationship and reflecting a lasting interest and control of a resident entity in one economy in an enterprise resident in an economy other than that of the foreign direct investor. This study is a comparative between South Africa and Nigeria. South Africa and Nigeria share many similarities, they are both resource based, African countries. They are both fairly recent democracies, although some may contest the status of Nigeria as being a democracy. They are also both heterogeneous states, both consisting of various ethnic groups. Nigeria offers investors a low-cost labour pool, abundant natural resources, and a large domestic market. However, Nigeria suffers from an inadequate and poorly maintained infrastructure, confusing and inconsistent regulations, endemic corruption, and a lack of confidence in the rule of law. Despite all of this, Nigeria alone accounts for a quarter of FDI flows to Africa. In comparison, South Africa's FDI potential has not been fully exploited. This study will discuss the possible reasons why this is the case. The labour market in both countries and the challenges they face are discussed in depth within this study. Due to the fact that aside from investment, the economic growth within a country is dependent on a variety of factors, the backbone of which is the labour market. In determining levels of risk within both South Africa and Nigeria, this study made use of a political risk model. Although the intention has been to be as accurate and as thorough as possible, it should be noted that as yet, no generalised systematic method of conducting political risk assessment exists. Results, although extensively substantiated, remains the interpretation of the researcher and as such remains open to debate. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Onstabiliteit in buitelandse politieke en sosiale stelsels, veranderende mag strukture in internasionale betrekkinge, en die groeiende behoeftes van gasheer lande om meer beheer uit te oefen oor die funksioneering van buitelandse maatskappye het alles gelei na die noodsaaklikheid van 'n beter manier om buitelandse investering te bepaal. Dus is dit nie verbasend dat politieke risiko analise deesdae een van die vinnigste ontwikkelende onderwerpe is wat bestudeer word nie. Politieke risiko analise is belangrik vir die identifikasie, analise, bestuur en vermindering van sosio-politieke risiko vir buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie fokus op die impak wat politieke risiko' analise het met betrekking tot belegger waarneming en hoe dit dan ook moontlik die bedrag van buitelandse investering wat 'n land ontvang, kan bepaal. Daar is verskeie definisies wat die term "politieke risiko" beskryf en gevolglik moet konsensus nog bereik word oor 'n "korrekte" een. Een van die definisies wat in hierdie studie gebruik word is dat politieke risiko die analise is van die moontlikheid dat sekere faktore wat veroorsaak is of wat beïnvloed is deur die regering se politieke besluite, asook ander onvoorspelbare gebeurtenise in 'n land wat die investerings klimaat so kan beïnvloed dat die buitelandse beleggers moontlik geld kan verloor of miskien nie die verwagte winste behaal wat hulle aanvanklik gereken het, sou behaal nie. Hierdie faktore kan of intern (binne die gasheer land) of ekstern van aard wees en kan dus makro of mikro risiko behels. Direkte buitelandse investering in 'n land is 'n belegging wat In lang termyn verhouding insluit en dit reflekteer ook 'n blywende belangstelling en beheer van 'n buitelandse maatskappy in 'n gasheer land in. Hierdie studie is 'n vergelykende studie tussen Suid-Afrika en Nigerië. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië deel baie ooreenkomste. Beide lande is ryk aan natuurlike bronne en beide is nog "jong" demokratiese lande. Sommige mense stem nie saam dat Nigerië wel aan al die vereistes van 'n demokrasie voldoen nie. Suid-Afrika en Nigerië is ook heterogene state wat uit verskeie etniese groepe bestaan. Nigerië bied vir die buitelandse belegger billike arbeid, oorvloedige natuurlike bronne, asook In groot binnelandse mark. Ten spyte hiervan, moet dit ook in ag geneem word dat Nigerië onder onvoldoende en In swak instandhouding van infrastruktuur, wispelturige regulasies, korrupsie en ook In swak regsisteem ly. Ten spyte van al hierdie faktore, ontvang Nigerië In kwart van alle buitelandse investering in Afrika. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse investerings potensiaal in vergelyking met ander lande moet nog ontwikkel word. Hierdie studie sal die moontlike redes vir Suid Afrika se oneksploiteerbare buitelandse investerings potensiaal bespreek. Die arbeidsmark en die uitdagings wat gestel word het In groot invloed op buitelandse investering. Hierdie studie het ten doelom beide lande se arbeidsmark te bespreek en te vergelyk met betrekking tot buitelandse investering. Om die moontlike risiko in altwee lande te bepaal, maak hierdie studie gebruik van In politieke risiko analise model. Die navorser het gepoog om so deeglik en akkuraat as moontlik te wees. Dit moet ook in ag geneem word dat daar nog geen veralgemeende metode van politieke risiko analise ontwikkel is nie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.