M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis provides a detailed account of the. events leading up to the war between Britain and the Zulu kingdom in 1879, and undertakes to explain why the war came about Theophilus Shepstone, Natal's Secretary for Native Affairs, had long aspired to bring Zululand under British control, When King Mpande died in 1872, his heir, Cetshwayo, was anxious for British support against rival claimants, and against the South African Republic, with which he had a border dispute. He therefore invited Shepstone to preside over a ceremony recognizing him as King. Shepstone's hopes that his 'coronation' of Cetshwayo would lead to greater control over Zululand were disappointed, but it did serve as a precedent for British intervention. The war of 1879, in the event, did not arise out of purely local causes, but was more the result of British imperial policy. Lord Carnarvon, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, aspired to 'confederate' the various territories of southern Africa into a 'self-governing' (that is, settler governed) dominion under the British flag. To this end Shepstone annexed the Transvaal in 1877. The border dispute now became a dispute between Britain and the Zulu kingdom, and relations deteriorated sharply. Sir Bartle Frere, the High Commissioner entrusted by Carnarvon with the task of implementing his confederation policy, decided that the continued independence of the Zulu kingdom was an insuperable obstacle to confederation. He therefore took advantage of certain border incidents (and of the warlike reputation of the Zulu) to send an ultimatum calculated to bring about war. The question this thesis particularly addresses is whether the war was an incidental by-product of a confederation policy carried out for other reasons, or whether bringing Zululand under British control was inherent in the policy itself. It argues that the latter was the case. The purpose of confederation was neither retrenchment nor to safeguard naval bases, as some have argued, but a comprehensive political and economic reconstruction of South African society in Which an independent Zulu kingdom could have no place. On the other hand, to argue that Zululand was invaded to facilitate the advance of capitalist production in South Africa., as others have done, is to state the case too narrowly. The desirability and inevitability of capitalist production was assumed rather than consciously striven for by those who believed that the invasion of Zululand was necessary to facilitate the progress and civilization of South Africa. / AC2017

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Contemporary work in the Sociology of Education has been sharply polarized between approaches which emphasize the reproductive role of education systems and those which emphasize the role of popular resistance and culture in shaping the social relations of schooling. That opting for either of these two divergent approaches poses serious theoretical dilemmas is demonstrated particularly sharply by attempts to analyze the South African education system for Africans in the years between the 1940s and 1976. On the one hand, it is widely seen as a system which maintained relations of class and racial inequality; on the other it produced an enormous student rebellion in 1976. The thesis suggests that viewing education systems as part of the state, understood as a contested field of social relations, offers a way of investigating educational conflict which avoids both the functionalism of reproductionist perspectives and the voluntarist tendencies of culturalist interpretations. It enables the valid insights of these theories to be integrated into an analysis without their characteristic drawbacks. On this basis a series of analytical propositions about Bantu Education are generated. The thesis argues that the relationship between Bantu Education policy and capitalism was changing and contingent rather than fixed, as previous analyses have implied. The state educational bureaucracy did not function as an instrument of capital; rather, at certain times its aims were complimentary with the needs of capital, and at other times, largely contradictory with them, The education system reproduced varying levels of skill in the work force across time. Urbanization and industrialization, were central forces moulding education policy, the introduction of Bantu Education policy was a response to urban crisis. The thesis argues that the way in which state education policy was pursued was partly shaped by popular movements. There was a battle within the education system between the hegemonic project of government and mass resistance. Changes in popular culture affected the nature of popular responses to educational structures. Teachers' responses were particularly affected by their ambiguous structural position. The thesis attempt to test these arguments through a historical investigation of the period from the 1940s to 1976. It argues that the roots of Bantu Education policy need to be sought in the social crisis resulting fro~ urbanization and industrialization, Which affected South African society from the 1940s. In the education sphere, this crisis was manifested in the inability of the existing black education system to cope with the needs of urban youth, growing conflict within the mission schools, and disaffection and radicalization of the African teaching profession. In these circumstances dominant class opinion favored state intervention and restructuring of the education system. The implementation of Bantu Education from 1955 was initially focused on resolving the urban crisis, by providing for the social control of the urban working class and reproduction of a semi-skilled work force. A notable campaign of resistance, in the form of school boycotts by the African National Congress, opposed the policy in 1955-1956, but eventually broke down, primarily because of its inability to rival the state's capacity to provide mass schooling. other forms of resistance to state policy, such as opposition to the establishment of school boards, teacher activism and student riots, were too. dispersed and limited to block it. By the early sixties, a new, state run, cheap education system had been established. However the grim material conditions in that system, and its racist administration, prevented it from exploiting Opportunities to win active popular support. In the 19608, government, enjoying favorable political and economic conditions, moved to a more rigid linking of education policy to the enforcement of territorial apartheid, especially by preventing the expansion of urban black secondary, technical and higher education in the urban areas. It appeared that a degree of popular acquiescence in the education system was developing, with the stabilization of popular participation in the school board system and in conservativee teachers organizations. However, the system was generating new industry, was adversely affected by skill shortages increased by government educational policy, in the early 1970s industry launched a strong campaign for change in educational policy, which resulted in a government shift toward expansion of urban schooling. By the mid-1970s the changing political situation outside and inside the country, changes in youth culture, new ideological influences, and the material problems of the expanding schooling system were creating a new and more politicized culture of resistance amongst urban African youth .The implementation of a new language policy by government produced first the disaffection of school boards and then revolt amongst students. The conclusion argues that the analysis developed in the thesis has justified the claim. that the theoretical approach adopted in it goes beyond the limitations of reproductionist and culturalist studies. / AC 2018

This study is about a minority group which settled amongst a larger group which had dominated education and other cultural spheres. The focus is on the struggle by the Afrikaans-, previously Dutchspeaking, minority group in Natal for the right to educate their children in their own language, in their own schools. The dissertation traces general developments in the field of education prior to the Anglo Boer War and briefly views the situation during the War. In the next phase (1902 - 1910) the establishment of the early C. N. E. and church schools is under scrutiny. The focus then shifts more specifically to the context in which the first Afrikaansmedium High School in Natal was established, namely the Hoerskool Voortrekker in Pietermaritzburg. A detailed rendering is given of the conflicts surrounding the establishment of this school. The study then moves to the Durban area and traces the developments surrounding the founding of an Afrikaans medium High School there. A detailed overview is given of all aspects of the Hoerskool Port Natal since its establishment in 1941. Towards the last section, the study broadens its focus again in describing the developments in the whole of Natal, with specific reference to high schools. In the final analysis it compares briefly the uphill struggle for Hoerskool Voortrekker to be established, with the relative success story of Hoerskool Port Natal and it suggests various tentative reasons for these differences. OPSOMMING Hierdie studie gaan om ’n minderheidsgroep wat hul tussen n meerderheidsgroep, wat die onderwys en ander kultuuraspekte oorheers het, kom vestig het. Die fokus is op die stryd wat die Afrikaans-, vroeër Hollandssprekende, minderheidsgroep gehad het vir die reg om hul kinders in hul eie taal, in hul eie skole, te laat onderrig. Die verhandeling speur die algemene ontwikkeling op onderwys-gebied voor die uitbreek van die Anglo-Boere-oorlog na en gee ook 'n oorsig van die toestande gedurende die oorlog. Die volgende fase (1902 - 1910) handel oor die stigting van die C. N. 0.- en kerkskole. Die klem verskuif dan meer spesifiek na die toestande waaronder die eerste Afrikaanse hoërskool in Natal, die Hoërskool Voortrekker in Pietermaritzburg, tot stand gekom het. Daar word 'n volledige verslag oor die stryd en probleme wat, met die stigting van hierdie skool ondervind is, gegee. Die studie verskuif dan na die Durbangebied en vors die ontwikkeling van die eerste Afrikaansmedium hoërskool in die ge- bied na. 'n Volledige studie, wat al die aspekte rondom die stigting en ontwikkeling van die Hoërskool Port Natal dek, word gegee. In die laaste afdeling verbreed die studieveld en fokus op die beskrywing van die ontwikkeling van Afrikaansmedium hoërskole in die res van Natal. In die finale analise word daar 'n vergelyking getref tussen die opdraende stryd wat daar gestry is met die totstandkoming en voortbestaan van die Hoërskool Voortrekker, teenoor die relatiewe suksesverhaal van Hoërskool Port Natal en word daar verskeie moontlike redes vir hierdie verskille aangevoer. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.

Music in the curricula, music in the schools, supportive materials, and facilities were examined in six out of seven South African educational jurisdictions during the late 1970's. Official views were compared with what actually occurred. A profile of the teachers involved included their training, responsibilities, and status within the educational system. The detailed information was compared with trends appearing in the 1980's. / Thesis (M.Mus.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.

This thesis analysed the historical productions of Rhodes in 20th century Cape Town. The critique of this study was that Cape Town embodies the history of imperialism in maintaining the memory of Rhodes. The thesis examined the following sites: Rhodes Cottage Museum, Rhodes Groote Schuur minor house, Rhodes Memorial and two statues, one in the Company Gardens at Cape Town and the other at the University of Cape Town.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 1966. / INHOUD: Die inheemse bosse van die teenswoordige Kaapkolonie was die beste ontwikkel gedurende die prehistoriese tyd. Die primitiewe lewenswyse van die Hottentotte en ander inheemse bevolkingsgroepe hat min eise aan die bosse gestel. Die bevolking was ook in verhouding klein. Die enigste skade wat aangerig is, was deur bosbrande veroorsaak. In vergelyking met hierdie eenvoudige behoeftes, het 'n snelle en onoordeelkundige ontginning sedert 1652 plaasgevind.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Throughout South Africa there has been a greater emphasis on township history in recent years. However little has been written about the townships of the Western Cape. This research about the history of Kaya Mandi is subsequently one of the first of its kind and provides unique insights into a world that has not garnered much attention. Due to the fact that there has been little research done on the subject, a considerable amount of information was gathered through archival research. Additionally, oral testimonies of individuals who, in some cases, have lived their entire lives in Kaya Mandi have been invaluable. Books, theses and articles were primarily used as guidelines to provide additional context and understanding within the greater picture of South African history. The only exception was the use of the master.s thesis, Bantoegesinne in Kaya Mandi, done by Cornelia Drotske in 1956 which provided information from that period. As a result of this research the history of Kaya Mandi may be regarded as much more complex then had previously been assumed. Kaya Mandi has not just been a passive location in the Western Cape subject to the whims of those in power. Instead, they struggled to maintain their culture and often their very existence. At times this meant a battle between the people and the local government and other times it meant a battle from within, between the different segments of Kaya Mandi itself. Researching the history of Kaya Mandi provided an understanding of how it came to be what it is today. It also gave a deeper comprehension of the current issues and situations facing the people. This is especially important for making informed decisions regarding necessary development and expansion. Overall Kaya Mandi is a microcosm of township life in the Western Cape and the current research has highlighted the complexity of these communities and the necessity for further research. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Oor die afgelope paar jaar is daar regoor Suid-Afrika groter klem op die geskiedenis van townships. Daar is egter min geskryf oor die townships van die Wes-Kaap. Hierdie tesis oor die geskiedenis van Kaya Mandi is gevolglik een van die eerstes van sy soort en bied 'n unieke insig in 'n wêreld wat nie voorheen veel aandag gekry het nie. As gevolg van die min navorsing oor die onderwerp, is 'n groot deel van die inligting ingesamel deur argivale navorsing. Daarbenewens was die mondelinge getuienisse van individue wat, in sommige gevalle, feitlik vanaf die begin van Kaya Mandi daar geleef het van onskatbare waarde. Boeke, tesisse, en artikels is hoofsaaklik gebruik as riglyne om bykomende konteks en begrip binne die groter prentjie van die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis te verskaf. Die enigste uitsondering is die gebruik van die M-tesis van 1956, Bantoegesinne in Kaya Mandi deur Cornelia Drotské, wat 'n groot hoeveelheid inligting uit daardie tydperk verskaf het. Uit die navorsing het dit geblyk dat die geskiedenis van Kaya Mandi baie meer kompleks is as wat voorheen veronderstel is. Kaya Mandi was nie net 'n passiewe lokasie in die Wes-Kaap, onderdanig aan die grille van diegene in beheer nie. In teendeel, hulle het gesukkel om hulle manier van lewe, hul kultuur en, in sommige gevalle, hul voortbestaan in stand te hou. Soms was dit 'n stryd tussen die inwoners en die plaaslike regering en ander kere was dit ' n stryd tussen die verskillende segmente van binne Kaya Mandi. Hierdie ondersoek oor die geskiedenis van Kaya Mandi bied meer insig oor hoe dit ontwikkel tot wat dit vandag is. Dit gee ook 'n dieper begrip van die huidige probleme en situasies wat die mense in die gesig staar. Dit is veral belangrik om ingeligte besluite te neem met betrekking tot noodsaaklike ontwikkeling en uitbreiding. Grootliks is Kaya Mandi in baie opsigte 'n mikrokosmos van die township-lewe in die Wes-Kaap. Die huidige ondersoek belig die kompleksiteit van hierdie gemeenskappe en die noodsaaklikheid van verdere navorsing.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 1988. / Die doel met hierdie studie is tweeledig. Eerstens word gepoog om die Kaapse burgermag-mediese eenhede se rol binne die verdedigingstelsels waarvan hulle op sekere stadia van hul bestaan deel was te ondersoek, hetsy as deel van die Kaapse Koloniale Magte vir die tydperk 1889 - 1913 of as deel van die burgermag-element van die Unieverdedigingsmag, 1913 - 1939. Tweedens word hierdie eenhede se ontwikkelingsgang nagegaan : van die stigting van die Volunteer Medical Staff Corps (VMSC) in 1889 af tot met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939. As 'n titel vir hierdie onderwerp is besluit op Die Geskiedenis van die Kaapse Burgermag-mediese eenhede, 1889 - 1939. Die rede daarvoor is dat dit die hele tydperk onder bespreking volledig omskryf die aanloop tot die stigting van die VMSC, sy stigting in 1889, sy rol as 'n vrywilligereenheid, sy omskakeling na twee burgermag-mediese eenhede in 1913 asook hul rol en ontwikkeling in daardie verband tot met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939. Aangesien hierdie tydperk van vyftig jaar 'n duidelike beeld rakende hierdie eenhede se rol en ontwikkeling gee, het die keuse daarom geval op 1889 en 1939 as onderskeidelik die begin- en einddatum vir hierdie onderwerp. Met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939 het daar in die Kaapprovinsie twee burgermag-mediese eenhede binne die Unieverdedigingsmag gefunksioneer, naamlik 2 Veldambulans en 3 Veldambulans. Beide kan egter hul ontstaansgeskiedenis terugvoer na 21 Oktober 1889, toe. soos hierbo aangedui, die VMSC as die eerste selfstandige mediese eenheid in die Kaapkolonie gestig is. Met sy stigting het die eenheid uit twee kompanies bestaan. te wete A-kompanie en B-kompanie wat onderskeidelik in King William's Town en Kaapstad gesetel was. Daarna het die VMSC by twee verdere geleenthede naamsveranderinge ondergaan. In 1889 is sy naam na die Cape Medical Staff Corps (CMSC) verander en van 1903 af het dit as die Cape Medical Corps (CMC) bekend gestaan. Met die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse Geneeskundige Diens (SAGD) in 1913, is die twee kompanies in twee afsonderlike burgermag-mediese eenhede omgeskakel en in die SAGD opgeneem. Dit het eweneens 'n naamsverandering tot gevolg gehad. A-kompanie sou voortaan as 1 Berede Brigade Veldambulans (1 BBVA) bekend staan terwy1 B-kompanie tot No. 1 Kompanie herdoop is. tn 1935 het die twee eenhede weer eens 'n naamsverandering ondergaan toe 1 BBVA tot 2 Veldambulans en No. 1 Kompanie tot 3 Veldambulans herdoop is. Die doel van hierdie studie in ag genome, word die rol en ontwikkeling van hierdie eenhede oor die tydperk van vyftig jaar bespreek. In die eerste hoofstuk word daar, as inleiding, kortliks verwys na die onderskeie militê re organisasies in die Kaapkolonie gedurende die neëntiende eeu waarvan die vrywilliger-mag een was. Daar het egter 'n behoefte bestaan aan voldoende mediese steun vir sy lede waaruit voortgevloei het die stigting van die St John's Ambulance Association en die ambulansafdeling van die King William's Town Volunteer Artillery om hierdie leemte te vul. Vervolgens word gekonsentreer op die stigtingsproses van die VMSC in 1889 asook die groei en ontwikkeling van die eenheid in die jare onmiddellik daarna...

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1994. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:Since the beginning ot the eighteenth century white cattle farmers passed regularly through the Langkloof. At the time they appeared on the scene native hunters and stock-farmers had already settled in the valley. By taking twenty farms on loan from the Dutch East India Colllpany the entire Langkloof was occupied by whites between the years 1760 to 1765. They were predominantly members d the second and third generation of the settlers who originally ca;ne to the Cape cl Good Hope. The community which evolved during the last four decades ot the eighteenth century in the Langkloof as a result or the influx cl whites, consisted of a small number of families. The majority oC these families were related to one another. Except for a few leading figures and persons notorious for their unconventional conduct, there were no other outstanding characters in the Langkloof. The first white inhabitants were pioneers who, living in isolation, had to struggle for survival. They were mainly stock-farmers, but as the result of the climate and vegetation, the large distances fn:Ma the market place, and the detrimental economic policy or the govern nent oC the Dutch East India Company, they could not prosper. Culturally they were deprived. There is only scanty evidence of formal education in the Langkloof, but the majority of white adults could at least sign their names. The only contact they had with the outside world was with expeditions travelling through the valley, and with the officials of the Company, especially those stationed at the drostdy at Swellendam. The churches closest to them, in Tulbagh and cape Town, were as a result of the distances, almost exclusively visited on occasions of baptism and weddings. During approximately the last two decades of the rule ot the Dutch East India Company, lite In the Langkloot gained an additional dimension as a result of the political turbulence surrounding the rebellion against the authorities at Swellendam, and the threat the Bantu east of the valley posed to the survival of the whites. Up to 1795 there were no significant dramatic happenings in the Langkloof. Without being in the centre of attention the community in the valley was developing an own unique identity. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Toe blanke veeboere die Langkloof vanaf die begin van die agtiende eeu op 'n gereelde basis begin betree het, was daar alreeds inheemse jagters en veeboere, naamlik die Khwe en Boesmans, woonagtig. Tussen 1760 en 1765 is die hele Langkloof' deur blankes beset deurdat twintig plase volgens die leningsplaasstelsel deur bJanke kolonfste, wat hoofsaaklik van die tweede en derde geslag van die Suid-Mrikaanse stamvaders was, bekom is. Die gemeenskap wat as gevolg daarvan gedurende die laaste vier dekades van die agtiende eeu in die Langkloof ontstaan bet, het uit 'n paar families bestaan wat, .aet weinige uitsonderings na, aan mekaar verwant was. Behalwe vir enkele leiersfigure en persone wat berugtheid weens hul robuuste optrede verwerf het, was daar nie ander uitstaande persoonlikhede nie. Die eerste blanke Langklowers was pioniers wat in omstandighede van isolasie 'n worstelstryd om oorlewing gevoer het. Die hoofbedryf was veeboerdery. maar faktore soos bodemgesteldheid, afstand van die markte en die wurgende ekonomiese beleid van die Kompanjiesregering bet die Langklowers ekonomles agterlik gehou. Op kulturele gebied was daar weinig beskawingsinvloede. Van formele opvoeding in die Langkloof kon weinig spore gevind word, maar daar is bewyse dat die meeste volwasse blanke inwoners ten minste kon skryf. Die enigste aanraking met die buitewereld was met die reisgeselskappe en die amptenary van die Kompanjie, veral van die drosdy op Swellendam. Met die naaste kerke in die Land van Waveren (Tulbagh) en Kaapstad, is 'n kerk byna uitsluitlik net met doop- en huweliksgeleenthede besoek. Vir ongeveer die laaste twee dekades van die V.O.C.-bewind bet die alledaagse lewe in die Langkloof 'n nuwe dlmensle bygekry as gevoll van die polltlek woellnge, aangestlg deur ontevredenheid met die owerhede, wat op 'n opstand teen die regeringsgesag op Swellendam uitgeloop het, en die bedrelglng wat die Bantu oos van die vallel vir die blankes se voortbestaan ingehou bet. Tot 1795 bet daar in die Langkloof geen groat dramatiese gebeurtenlsse plaasgevind nie. Die gemeenskap daar was besig om sander opspraak 'n eie unieke identiteit te ontwikkel.