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Dissertation Submitted in Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD.) at the University of Witwatersrand – School of Governance September 2015 / This research is demarcated according to two modes, one conceptual – state sovereignty - and two - distant proximity – the ideal of regional integration. When these are juxtaposed in the state sovereignty-regional integration complex, they resemble a complex picture of what is under construction. The nation state currently exists, so it is an important variable. The research examines what happens to the nation state variable, in respect to its policy preferences, interests and ideational content as the process of regional integration evolves. Put differently, does the nation state remain indivisible or is it evolving as the process of regional integration deepens? The research has found that the policy preferences and interests of states in Southern Africa converge and/or diverge not so much based on the SADC objectives and norms. The convergence and/or divergence of policy preferences among states in SADC is informed by the constant negotiation and engagement among states - yielding not so much a zero-sum regional integration arrangement nor is it leading to the demise of the nation state – but around a range of factors including: perceived economic gains and losses; persuasion and influence among state and non-state actors; political solidarity among state actors; external and internal political and economic pressures. The notion of state sovereignty is invoked by many states when all the factors above have yielded inadequate results for the particular state. The research has found that a constructivist process of co-determination and co-constitution and solidarity, albeit very loose and not legaly binding, is taking place in Southern Africa. This process, the research has found, is pointing to an intergovernmental regional integration arrangement wherein certain policy areas or competencies reside at the regional level and some at the nation state level. The process of inter-state action and behaviour, the dissertation has found, is underpinned by the interests, preferences and choices of states in their discursive relationship to one another in the process of regional integration. / MT2016

This text examines the sovereignty concept in Sayyid Qutb´s final book Milelstones, with a focus on the political and non-political aspects of the concept. The analysis also examines potentially radical and extreme aspects in the concept. The findings show that Qutb´s sovereignty concept is a practical theology focused on what God´s sovereignty means for Muslims in belief and practice. God´s sovereignty is an encompassing concept to Qutb, which means that His exclusive right to sovereignty should permeate through the souls of Muslims and guide their actions in all spheres of life, including in politics. In a concrete form, this means that God´s law and principles should be implemented. Qutb´s sovereignty concept is not extreme, but radical because it challenges established secular orders and the hegemonic assumption in modern discourses that human beings have a right to sovereignty.

This study focuses on humanitarian intervention in Iraq with a special focus on Iraqi Kurdistan. The purpose of the study is to analyze humanitarian intervention from different perspectives, especially in political matters. Despite this, a reasonable selection process is needed as not all international political aspects are particularly relevant. There are aspects which, although closely linked to humanitarian intervention, do not need a detailed analysis due to the already extensive literature and the established nature of the relevant regulation which does not analyze much new information. The study aims to apply theories and concepts in an analysis of humantarian intervention by applying a theoretical model based on humanitarian intervention and the UN's policy process. The analysis will focus on three dimensions: content, organization and legitimacy. By exploring these dimensions, the study will examine and evaluate different aspects of the intervention, including the political arguments, the structure and functioning of the UN policy process, and the legitimacy and support for the intervention from different actors and the world community. The method used in the study is qualitative research to define humanitarian intervention which is heavily dependent on the theoretical model. The most important results of the analysis are that there are no standards for when the UN system for crisis management should be activated and that the political unity in the Security Council is not as strong as the principles express. Other results are that thispolitical field, especially the political decisions about international armed conflicts, has countless very interesting aspects. However, a detailed presentation of these aspects requires a more specific study dealing with this topic, rather than an essay on humanitarian intervention.

Since West Papua’s integration into Indonesia in 1969, the Free West Papua Movement has been engaged in a struggle for independence from Indonesia. The indigenous people of the territory have endured murder, rape, and many other abuses. This thesis provides an account of Indonesia’s control over West Papua through a settler-colonial lens. It aims to shed light on the paradox of the extensive involvement by the international community during the handover period in contrast to the limited intervention in addressing the human rights abuses that followed, by employing the concept of sovereignty as symbolic form. The thesis concludes that sovereignty has evolved beyond a mere attribute of modern states. It now serves as a strategic tool for upholding international peace. Interference and intervention are therefore normalized, and utilized arbitrarily, as demonstrated in the case of West Papua. This offers insight into the ongoing human rights abuses that persist with impunity.

Hazel Brannon Smith, a prominent white newspaper owner in Mississippi before, during, and after the civil rights era was an avowed supporter of Jim Crow segregation for the first half of her career, until pressure from the white establishment and the changing political and social milieu of the 1950s and 1960s pushed her to become an ally of the black struggle for social justice. Smith's biography reveals how many historians have miscast white liberals of this period. Smith was considered a liberal by her peers, but her actions reveal the firm limits of white liberalism in the rural South during the Civil Rights era. While this dissertation undergirds scholarly research over the last twenty years which viewed the fight for civil rights from a grounds root level, it shows how Smith was unique. She never fully escaped her white paternalistic sentiments, yet she spoke out consistently against racial extremism in Mississippi in the 1960s. Based upon newspaper accounts, personal collections, oral histories and recent scholarly treatments, this work argues that the white response to the civil rights movement in Mississippi was far from uniform.

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I collaborate with Elders of the Six Nations of the Grand River Territory – mainly former vice-principals and principals – to share their stories about elementary school administration of the community’s day schools of the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, and of the larger consolidated schools thereafter. By engaging in storywork with them, their stories reveal that as Indigenous organizations like the National Indian Brotherhood/Assembly of First Nations (NIB/AFN) warned First Nations about mistaking administrative control, or delegated authority as it framed it, as real, local control over their children’s education, vice-principals and principals in Six Nations reframed it as inherent acts of self-determination and sovereignty over education. Drawing on Audra Simpson’s nested sovereignty, and Glen Sean Coulthard’s self-recognition to produce a more accurate representation of administrative control in the community, the author argues that vice-principals and principals in Six Nations did not mistake their practice as delegated authority but instead – as inherently sovereign actors – went through a process of negotiating self-determination and sovereignty within the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada’s (DIAND) educational framework to upset its status quo of First Nations only managing educational programs and services. If sovereignty is understood to be a process, rather than a destination as Robert Allen Warrior suggests, then vice-principals and principals exercising administrative control on a daily basis in their schools should be recognized as inherently self-determining and sovereign. By sharing their stories, they reveal that they possess the authority to determine the definition and character of administrative control at the local level. The argument’s implication being that there are alternative ways of knowing and understanding administrative control in First Nations schools, rather than the national discourse that evolved in the decades following the NIB’s Indian Control of Indian Education. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / I collaborate with Elders of the Six Nations of the Grand River Territory – mainly former vice-principals and principals – to share their stories about elementary school administration of the community’s day schools of the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, and of the larger consolidated schools of the 1990s and early 2000s. By engaging in storywork with the Elders, their stories reveal that as Indigenous organizations like the National Indian Brotherhood/Assembly of First Nations (NIB/AFN) warned First Nations communities about mistaking administrative control, or delegated authority as it framed it, as real, local control over their children’s education, vice-principals and principals in Six Nations reframed it as inherent acts of self-determination and sovereignty over education. Their stories provide an alternative way of knowing and understanding administrative control in First Nations schools.

Concerns related to the control of personal “digital data” have resulted in initiatives being taken globally to safeguard the individuals’ control over their own data. The EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) being a significant example in this connection. Specifically, two protective rights regarding respectively the right for data to be forgotten and their portability have been brought in to enhance individuals’ control over their data. As a consequence, data governance which signifies the “power relations between all the actors affected by, or having an effect on, the way data is accessed, controlled, shared and used, the various socio-technical arrangements set in place to generate value from data, and how such value is redistributed between actors” (Micheli et al., 2020, p. 3) has become a crucial endeavour for governments and businesses around the world. A scrutiny of different models of data governance highlighted the notion of personal data sovereignty (PDS) which indicates enhanced empowerment of data subjects through self-determination. PDS, additionally, entails an appropriate combination of empowerment, economic development, enhanced knowledge and profit to participating private organisations. Further, data subjects, in PDS, have the power to access, regulate, share and investigate their information at all times. In this regard, the present study investigated the manner in which banks in Sweden manage the sustainability of the sovereignty of their data. Based on the problem statement, the research question of the study was formulated as follows: “How do banks govern personal data sovereignty?” The research strategy used for the present study was an exploratory survey design with a quantitative approach to obtain data from executives in Swedish banks. The present study used a survey strategy. Survey strategies employing questionnaires are widespread since they permit standardised data to be obtained from a large population in a very economical manner. Further, the data collected can be easily compared. Moreover, the survey strategy is viewed as reliable, in general, by people and it is also relatively straightforward both for the researcher to explain and for the participants to understand. A custom questionnaire was designed for the study based on insights obtained from existing academic and business research. Sections in the questionnaire were designed to obtain data related to areas such as, data governance in Sweden, personal data, usage of personal data, and PDS. The study’s findings reveal that banks in Sweden take different measures to help their customers maintain their PDS. As a result, bank employees seem to robustly understand personal data, how their banks utilize the personal data of customers, and the extent to which customers are aware of banks’ use of their personal data. It could also be concluded that banks were using measures which were in line with existing Swedish and EU data protection standards and laws. The study’s findings contribute to further research concerning data sovereignty and use of personal data in the banking sector. Further, it can aid banks to manage their global customers’ data. The study was constrained chiefly by the limited empirical literature associated with the study’s topic and the restricted time available for the study