This thesis covers the first Philippine Independence Mission made to the United States in the early 20th century. Shortly following the conclusion of World War I, representatives from the Philippines sought to gain fulfillment of its independence. The origins and history of the Philippine independence movement are traced from its push against Spanish rule to the efforts to gain sovereignty from American governorship through major political figures, such as the highly influential Manuel L. Quezon, as well as the American arguments for and against withdrawing from the Philippines through the platforms of political parties and individual politicians. Despite American support for the movement, the Philippine delegates faced complicated political motivations, doubts about the stability of the Philippine government, and concerns about the potential consequences of leaving the Philippines without an American presence. This thesis was completed before the Philippines were granted full independence from the United States in 1946.

Sujet d'une apparente antilogie, qui du fait de la crise économique et financière mondiale démontre son immanence. L'interrogation majeure induite se porte sur la manière dont se réalise du point de vue des droits fondamentaux cette double exigence qui est contradictoire que les droits fondamentaux en général, les droits-créances en particulier, passent par l'intervention étatique. Afin de répondre à cette interrogation, il faut au préalable se pencher sur la relation entre les finances publiques et les droits fondamentaux dans une optique particulière. En effet, ce n'est que par la définition de la nature du lien qui unit ces deux domaines que nous pouvons étudier les impacts respectifs et mutuels. Ce qui renvoie à l'interrogation majeure de savoir comment s'organise du point de vue des droits fondamentaux cette double exigence contradictoire du fait que ces droits passent par l'intervention de l'État ? / Subject of an apparent antilogy wich, due to the present Financial and economic crisisproves his immanence. The major interrogation turned to way how is realized from the point of vew of fundamental rights this double exigency due to the fact that this rights instigate the intervention of the administration of a country. The fundamental rights effectiveness requires a public financing holding legitimacy of their Framework through fundamental rights. The european crisis and the respect of Financial rules do damage tothis balance of relation because the lack of public financing has "ipso facto" an impact concerning the fundamental rights protection, and incorporated in every possible way according to jurisdiction.

Magister Legum - LLM

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The year 1924, which coincided with the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate and more recently, the Arab Spring which started in Tunisia in December 2010, and spread across much of north Africa and parts of the Middle East, has captured the attention of worldwide audiences, but also policy makers from the West to relook at the masses in the Muslim world as not politically acquiescent, even ignorant, but also, and more importantly as to which forms of government these regions would adopt, secular or Shari‘ah based (Islamic Law), or a combination of the two. The proposed research will examine and compare the views of the Shī‘i Iranian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Egyptian Sunni intellectual and Muslim Brotherhood ideologue, Sayyid Quţb regarding the form of government and its source of authority. Both scholars agreed on the sovereignty of the Sharỉ‘ah. Khomeini stressed the centrality of the establishment of an Islamic government and the concept of Wilāyat al-faqīh in his book of Ḥukūmah al-Islamiyyah (Khomeini, undate). Therefore, Khomeini’s doctrine of Wilāyat al-faqīh argues that the government should be run in accordance with the Shari‘ah. For this to happen, a high-ranking cleric (Islamic jurist) should provide political guardianship over the people in the absence of and until the reappearance of the Hidden Imām. Sayyid Quţb stressed the establishment of an Islamic society before attempting to codify the Sharī‘ah (Quţb, 1981:76). His writing on politics and government does not lay out a comprehensive plan for Islamic governance. He does however; provide a foundation and three sub-principles that help determine its powers and structure. He declared that the foundation of Islamic political rule is Ulūhiyya (servitude) and Al-ḥākimiyya (sovereignty of Sharī‘ah) of Allah. This means that the Islamic government is the rule of God (Loboda, 2004: 25) Furthermore, Quţb, argues that Islam does not provide man with sovereignty, but Allah (God) is the only sovereign. In addition, he clarifies that an Islamic form of government itself is not divine as past Christian governments considered their kings to be divinely ordained. Instead, any rule with reference to Al-ḥākimiyya and based on three subprinciples is Islamic rule (Quţb, 1993). The three sub-principles for Islamic political rule indicated by Sayyid Quţb are as follows. Firstly, the rulers should be just. Secondly, the people should be obedient to the ruler as long as he submits to the sovereignty of Allah and implements the Sharī‘ah. Thirdly, there should be consultation between the rulers and the community. However Sayyid Quţb does not indicate a clear method of consultation between the ruler and the people. Instead, he leaves it up to the local conditions of the community. In the third principle, Quţb indicated that the importance of consultation encompasses the entire concept of Islamic rule and Muslim community life (Quţb, 1993:45). This means Sayyid Quţb "indirectly states that rulers should be elected by democratic vote" (Loboda. 2004:28).

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study is an investigation of the informal trans-border Chewa ethnic movement of Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia and its relationship to the formal state boundaries defined by the Westphalian model. The Chewa refer themselves as belonging to a Kingdom (formerly the Maravi Kingdom) which currently cuts across the three modern African states of Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia and its paramount, King Gawa Undi, is based in Zambia. The secretariat of the kingdom is Chewa Heritage Foundation (CHEFO), which is headquartered in Malawi. The fundamental quest of this study is to investigate how the Chewa understand, experience, manage and interpret the overlap between formal states (as defined by the Westphalian model) and informal trans-border ethnic identity without raising cross-border conflicts in the process. Indeed, it is this paradoxical co-existence of contradictory features of Westphalian political boundaries and trans-border ethnic identity that initially inspired this study. The main research aim is to interrogate whether the Chewa Kingdom (of Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia) is challenging or confirming state boundaries, and to reflect on what this means for the contemporary Westphalian model. In International Relations (IR), the Westphalian model provides the assumption that states are independent actors with a political authority based on territory and autonomy. Despite a large number of criticisms of the model, it has not completely been dismissed in explaining some elements of the international system. This is evident by the underlying assumptions and perspectives that still persist in IR literature as well as the growing contemporary debates on the model, especially on its related elements of state sovereignty and citizenship. In Africa, the literature focuses on the formal structures and ignores the role of informal trans-border traditional entities - specifically, how trans-border traditional entities affect the re-definition of state and sovereignty in Africa. Such ignorance has led to a vacuum in African IR of the potentiality of the informal to complement the formal intra-regional state entities. Within a historical and socio-cultural framework, the study utilises [social] constructivism and cultural nationalism theories to critically investigate and understand the unfolding relationship between the Westphalian state and Chewa trans-border community. Another supporting debate explored is the relevance of traditional authorities under the ambit of politics of representation. In this case, the study fits in the emerging debate on the meaning, experience and relevance of state sovereignty and national identity (citizenship) in Africa. Drawing on a wide range of sources (informant interviews, focus group discussions, Afrobarometer survey data sets, newspaper articles and comparative literature surveys in Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia), the study finds that although the upsurge of Chewa transborder ethnic identity is theoretically contradictory to the Westphalian model, in practice it is actually complementary. Within the framework of [social] constructivism, the state has with some variations demonstrated flexibility and innovation to remain legitimate by co-opting the Chewa movement. In this case, the study finds that the co-existence of Westphalian model and trans-border Chewa ethnic identity is mainly due to the flexibility of the state to accommodate informal ethnic expressions in ways that ultimately reinforces the mutual dependence of the states and the ethnic group. For instance, during the Chewa Kulamba ceremony held in Zambia, the state borders are „relaxed‟ to allow unhindered crossing for the participants to the ceremony. This does not entail weakness of the state but its immediate relevance by allowing communal cultural expressions. Another finding is that the Chewa expression of ethnic identity could not be complete if it did not take a trans-border perspective. This set-up ensures that each nation-state plays a role in the expression of Chewa ethnic identity - missing one nation-state means that the historical and contemporary relevance of this identity would be lost. It is also this same set-up that limits the movement's possibility to challenge the formal state. This argument reinforces the social constructivist perspective that sovereignty is not static but dynamic because it fulfils different uses in a particular context. The overall argument of this study is that the revival of the informal Chewa trans-border traditional entity offers a new, exciting and unexplored debate on the Westphalian model that is possibly unique to the African set-up. One theoretical/methodological contribution of this study is that it buttresses some suggestions that when studying African IR, we have to move beyond the strict disciplinary boundaries that have defined the field and search for other related African state experiences. The study also strengthens one of the new approaches in understanding IR as social relations - in this approach, individuals and their activities or their social systems play a prominent role.

This research examines and critically analyses to what extent the host states might use their sovereignty in a manner that may be counterproductive to the interests of foreign investors on their territory; and the role played by international investment law in its regulation. Further, it considers the extent to which investor-state arbitration, under both the inter-state bilateral investment treaty (BIT), and investment contract, can be used to rebalance the uneven investment relationship arising from the adverse effect of host state sovereignty. The importance of the investor-state arbitration is based on the fact that such a process will be of no value if its award is not enforceable against sovereigns. It is therefore argued that arbitration enforcement against states must be augmented by further safeguards mechanisms. Challenges are faced by international investment law to minimise the possible adverse effect of host state’s sovereignty, in order to require states to respect investment agreements. Responsibility will be asserted by a wronged foreign investor if the state breaches customary international law when it hosts the foreign investment and if there is a violation of the specific investment agreement. Such challenges expose the limitations on how states can use their sovereign powers (whether legal, economic or political), against foreign investors and question the clarity of such boundaries. An unsuccessful litigant state will often seek to resist award enforcement, claiming sovereign immunity against its execution. International investment law and applicable national and regional bodies must find a balance between the interests of the foreign investor and the host state. This research concludes that the adjudication system used in England provides a framework in which a foreign investor can seek recognition of its claim and thus enforce a foreign arbitral award against recalcitrant states, but improvements could still be made as explained in thesis.

The decade following the close of the Second World War has been dominated throughout by the clash of political power of the United States and the Soviet Union. Their wartime alliance has crumbled. New, antagonistic alliances have come into existence. The so-called 'EastWest' split, polar in its effect, has forced the admission that prospects of stable peace depend on how successfully bridges can be made to span the gulf. This over-riding and pervading reality has blinded us to the importance of another struggle, which is everywhere mounting in force and intensity and which history may well record as a dominant theme of the twentieth century -- the world-wide struggle for independence. In some cases it has produced revolution and violence: full-scale wars have been fought in its cause in Indonesia and Indo-China; military engagements have taken place in Kenya and Tunisia; Cypriots and British garrison forces have exchanged fire; Malayans have rioted; and 'incidents' too numerous to detail have been reported from a great variety of countries where political dependence exists. Intro., p. 1.

Bataille publie en 1933-1934, dans la revue La Critique sociale, un article intitulé « La Structure psychologique du fascisme ». La présente thèse cherche à montrer que cet article constitue une élaboration singulière du « rapport » entre psychanalyse et politique. Bataille ne se contente pas de faire usage des concepts freudiens, ni de proposer une synthèse entre l’inconscient et l’histoire. Le concept bataillien d’hétérogène tente de tirer toutes les conséquences de l’invention freudienne de la psychanalyse, et de son rapport paradoxal à la connaissance : ce que la pensée exclut continue de subsister au cœur de la pensée sous la forme d’une modalité de la pensée « tout autre ». A travers l’affinité d’une position théorique, c’est une nouvelle « méthode » d’analyse du social qui s’élabore dans le contexte des années 1930 en Europe : la « méthode psychologique ». Cette proximité entre la psychanalyse et l’hétérologie, nous permet de repérer l’insistance d’une question de Freud à Bataille : celle de la souveraineté. Dans les élaborations dites de la seconde topique, et particulièrement les textes consacrés à la culture, Freud pose la question de la souveraineté depuis ses conditions fantasmatiques. En 1933-1934, Bataille reprend et déplace cette perspective en définissant la souveraineté politique comme « activité sadique clairement différenciée ». La lecture conjointe de Freud et Bataille nous permet d’interroger la pensée freudienne à l’endroit de ses implications politiques tout en faisant émerger, chez Bataille, une manière de questionner la souveraineté irréductible à celle qu’il développera plus tard, dans les années 1950. / The dissertation aims to show that Bataille’s article “The Psychological Structure of Fascism”, published in 1933-1934 in the journal La Critique Sociale, presents a novel approach to the relation between psychoanalysis and politics. Bataille does not make use of Freudian concepts, nor does he propose a synthesis of the unconscious and history. The concept of heterogeneity developed by Bataille seeks to draw all the consequences of Freud’s invention of psychoanalysis and of its paradoxical relationship to knowledge: what thinking excludes remains at the heart of thinking in the form of a “completely other” thinking. This theoretical affinity allows Bataille to develop an innovative method of social analysis in the context of the 1930’s in Europe: the “psychological method”. This proximity between psychoanalysis and heterology leads us to identify the incessant reemergence of a certain question, from Freud to Bataille, namely the question of sovereignty. Indeed, Freud’s reflections on the “second topic” and particularly his texts on culture raise the question of sovereignty from the standpoint of its fantasmatic conditions. In 1933-34, Bataille takes up and modifies this perspective: he redefines political sovereignty as “sadist activity that is clearly differentiated”. The conjunct reading of Freud and Bataille will allow us to examine the political implications of Freud’s thinking and to grasp, in Bataille’s work, a novel manner of addressing the question of sovereignty, which is irreducible to the one that Bataille will develop later in the 1950’s.

L'étude se propose d'analyser les rapports dialectiques entre le droit de tout Etat de procéder à l'aménagement de son territoire au moyen de la construction d'un ouvrage public et le droit international. L'accent est mis à la fois sur les rapports de structuration induits par le droit international (l'exercice unilatéral de souveraineté territoriale doit s'accommoder des droits et intérêts des Etats tiers) ainsi que sur la soumission de l'ensemble des opérations administratives conduites par l'Etat au droit international (expropriations, etc). / The study aims to analyse the various interactions between international law and the State's right to use its land, granted by its territorial sovereignty. The study provides numerous examples of these interactions (construction of public works by a riparian State of an international watercourse, legal effects attached to the construction of such public works under the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea, rights and obligations of multilateral development banks, etc).

L’expression « État membre » sert à désigner tout État qui adhère à une entité collective inter-étatique. Jusqu'alors, aucune recherche n'avait exploré le potentiel théorique de ce syntagme en dehors d'une organisation internationale déterminée. L'objet de cette étude tend, à travers l'analyse de différentes expressions de la figure de l'État membre, notamment européenne, à en donner une lecture unifiée. De prime abord, il apparaît que le phénomène de l'appartenance frappe la majorité des États et provoque dès lors unepremière mutation du génome étatique. En effet, la naissance d'un État s'avère à notre époque largement conditionnée par sa reconnaissance. De même, le commerce entre États est de plus en plus dense du fait de la globalisation des échanges. Dans ce cadre concurrentiel, l'organisation conjointe et institutionnalisée des États est devenue un réflexe. Certains États membres ont atteint un degré d'intégration qui induit une perception totalement renouvelée de l'État. En effet, l'État membre est devenu une entité liée et se renforce en tant qu'État par sa participation à un projet qui le dépasse pour le plus grand profit des individus, de leurs droitssubjectifs et de la paix. Figure de l'équilibre, l'État membre est un objet politique qui se trouve à équidistance de l'État fédéré et de l'État classique. Il emprunte au premier sa discipline collective et au second la force de l'engagement volontaire ainsi que la possibilité de se retirer d'une aventure collective qui dévierait de la confiance accordée initialement au collectif. Sur le plan normatif, l'État membre se caractérise par une objectivation de l'ordre juridique qu'il forme. C’est que l'appartenance se traduit juridiquement par une série deprincipes porteurs de valeurs propres à la participation loyale à une expérience de communauté. Dès lors, si le passage de l'État à l'État membre a un impact en premier lieu sur la théorie de l'État, il invite principalement celle-ci à prendre quelque distance avec le positivisme juridique et à renouveler la manière de penser l'État de droit. Né à la sortie de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce phénomène grandissant se décline en 2015 en plusieurs degrés allant du simple membre de l'Organisation des Nations-Unies à l'État membre de collectifs régionaux particulièrement avancés tels que l'Union européenne. Mais la logique d'appartenance révélée dans ce travaillaisse entrevoir une irrésistible évolution dans l'approfondissement de l'intégration de l'État membre. Aussi, parmi les étapes cruciales vers un État renouvelé par son appartenance à un collectif, il convient de citer l'importance de la présence d'un juge supra-étatique. La figure du juge s’affirme en effet comme essentielle dans le saut qualitatif effectué par l’État entre sa qualité initiale d'État-nation souverain à celle plus affûtée d’État membre puisqu’elle permet de passer du registre de la puissance à celui du droit, à condition que le juge puisse être saisi par le citoyen. Car c'est précisément cet étau constitué par le collectif institutionnalisé d'une part et les citoyens d'autre part qui, en exerçant sur l’État membre une pression vertueuse le conduisant au respect de sonengagement, de ses partenaires et de ses ressortissants, fonde la possibilité d'un véritable État de droit. / The expression "member State" is used to designate a State that has become a member of an international collective entity. Until now, no research had explored the theoretical potential of this syntagma apart from considering a particular international organization. The purpose of this study is to give a unified Interpretation of the legal concept of member State, through the analysis of different expressions of this concept, particularly the European one. First, it appears that the phenomenon of membership appliesto a majority of States and causes therefore a first mutation of the State’s genome. Indeed, the birth of a State appears nowadays largely conditioned by its recognition. Also, exchanges between States are increasing in relation to the globalization. In this competitive context, the collective and institutionalized organization of States has become a reflex. Some member States have achieved such a degree of integration that it deeply renews the perception of the concept of State. Indeed, the member State becamean interrelated entity and is strengthened as a State by the participation to a project that goes beyond itself and which creates a higher benefit for people, for their subjective rights and peace. Being characterized by the idea of balance, the concept of member State is a political object which is equidistant from the federated State and the classical State. It borrows its collective discipline from the first, and the strength of the voluntary commitment from the second, as well as the capacity to withdraw from a collective adventure that would deviate the trust initially granted to the collective. From a normative point of view, the member State is characterized by the objectification of that legal form that it constitutes. Actually, the legal traduction of the membership consists in a set of principles that underpin the characteristic values of loyal participation and community based experience. Therefore, if the transformation of a State into a member State has a primary impact on the theory of the State, it most importantly suggests to distance this theory from the legal positivism and to renew the ways of thinking the rule of law. Initiated first at the end of the Second World War, this increasing phenomenon offers in 2015 a range of various expressions, including the membership of the United Nations and more complex expressions of the membership to regional groups of States such as the European Union. But the logic of membership revealed by this study points to an irresistible trend consisting in the deepening of the integration of the member State. Thus, among the crucial steps leading to a State renewed by its membership to a group, it is worth mentioning the importance of the presence of a supranational court. The judge turns out to be an essential component in the qualitative transformation of a nation State, initially sovereign, into a member State. Indeed, thistransformation, which enables to shift between the register of power to the register of right, is only possible if the citizen can refer to the judge. The vice, constituted by the institutionalized collective on the one hand and the citizens on the other hand, applies a virtuous pressure on the member State that drives it towards the respect of its commitment, of its partners and citizens. By doing so, this virtuous pressure founds the possibility of a genuine rule of law.