A presente tese de doutorado objetiva estudar a problemática da extensão vertical da soberania estatal, acima da superfície terrestre, baseada na compreensão do território do Estado como espaço tridimensional. Se não há risco de conflito de jurisdição no sentido do subsolo, o mesmo não pode ser dito em relação ao espaço aéreo que, a partir de determinada altitude, até o momento não definida, dá lugar ao espaço ultraterrestre. De acordo com a Convenção de Chicago, de 1944, os Estados exercem soberania absoluta e exclusiva sobre a coluna de ar que se ergue acima de seus territórios. Por sua vez, o Tratado do Espaço, de 1967, dispõe que o espaço ultraterrestre não pode ser objeto de apropriação nacional por qualquer meio. Não obstante, a fronteira que distingue estes dois regimes jurídicos imiscíveis, após mais de 40 anos de discussões diplomáticas, continua em debate. No âmbito do Comitê das Nações Unidas para Uso Pacífico do Espaço (COPUOS), verificam-se duas teses em relação ao tema: a primeira, do grupo de países que recebeu a denominação de espacialistas, defende a demarcação de fronteira entre território aéreo e ultraterrestre, de forma clara, com base em critérios científicos ou acordados de comum acordo; a outra, daqueles chamados funcionalistas, entende ser desnecessária ou impossível a fixação de limites, de modo que as atividades realizadas nesses territórios deveriam ser analisadas conforme seus próprios objetivos. O impasse entre essas duas escolas de pensamento contribuiu para o estabelecimento de uma realidade contraditória: o espaço ultraterrestre, de fato, constitui a fronteira final dos territórios estatais, que, embora finitos, estendem-se verticalmente, acima da superfície, de forma indefinida. Destarte, apresenta-se tese favorável à delimitação da fronteira entre espaço aéreo e ultraterrestre, mediante tratado internacional, que igualmente inclua regras aplicáveis a direito de passagem de objetos espaciais durante fases de lançamento e reentrada, respeitando interesses do Estado territorial / This PhD thesis intends to study the problems related to the vertical extension of national sovereignty, above the Earths surface, based on the understanding of the State territory as a tridimensional space. If there is no danger of conflict of jurisdiction downwards, in direction to the subsoil, such reasoning does not apply in relation to the air space, where, from certain altitude, still undefined, gives place to the outer space. In accordance to the Chicago Convention, of 1944, States hold absolute and exclusive jurisdiction related to the column on air that arises above their territories. On the other hand, the Outer Space Treaty, of 1967, establishes that the outer space cannot be subjected to national appropriation of any kind. Nevertheless, the frontier that distinguishes these two immiscible legal regimes, after more than 40 years of diplomatic discussions, remains in debate. On the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (COUPOS), it is possible to identify two approaches related to the subject matter: the first, of the group of countries recognized as spatialists, defends the demarcation of the frontier between air space and outer space, in a clear form, based on scientific or commonly accorded criteria; the other, of the ones called functionalists, sustains that the delimitation is unnecessary or impossible, and, therefore, the activities performed in those territories should be addressed in accordance to their own objectives. The stalemate between those two schools of thought contributed to a contradictory reality: outer space constitutes the final frontier of national territory, which, even though finite, extends vertically, above the surface, in an undefined form. Therefore, it is hereby presented a thesis in favor of the delimitation of the air and outer space frontier, by international agreement, that also includes rules applicable to right of passage of space objects during launching and reentry phases, respecting the interests of the territorial State

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / O modelo de desenvolvimento econÃmico pautado sobre a lÃgica da reproduÃÃo ampliada do modo de produÃÃo capitalista tem provocado, a nÃvel global, uma sÃrie de crises intrÃnsecas a este sistema, que reverberam sobre os mais distintos setores da sociedade. Contudo, crise e capital nÃo sÃo processos indiferentes. Pelo contrÃrio: de acordo com a intensidade e a duraÃÃo da crise, o capital busca novas estratÃgias de se expandir em seu processo incessante de acumulaÃÃo. Neste contexto, o espaÃo agrÃrio se apresenta enquanto âespaÃo de reservaâ, ao qual sÃo canalizados investimentos pÃblicos e privados com o objetivo de intensificar sua reproduÃÃo e conter sua crise. Estes processos sÃo apresentados de duas formas: a partir da territorializaÃÃo do capital no campo e pela monopolizaÃÃo do territÃrio pelo capital. Neste estudo debrucei-me sobre a anÃlise deste avanÃo do capital no campo e sua dinÃmica de incorporaÃÃo de novas terras por meio da expansÃo de culturas voltadas para produÃÃo de agrocombustÃveis. Analisei, sobretudo, estes desdobramentos a partir do impulso desta produÃÃo pela polÃtica pÃblica do governo Federal, denominada de Programa Nacional de ProduÃÃo e Uso de Biodiesel - PNPB. Para pesquisa, utilizei o mÃtodo regressivo-progressivo de Lefebvre, com a finalidade de analisar os pressupostos existentes na realidade estudada, seja a partir do conhecimento empÃrico como do cientÃfico, permanecendo em diÃlogo com a realidade existente e sua dinÃmica. Desta forma, priorizei tambÃm, compreender seus rebatimentos polÃticos, sociais e territoriais, analisando as condiÃÃes de precarizaÃÃo do camponÃs, enquanto sujeito social presente nesta polÃtica pÃblica. Destacamos a condiÃÃo de subalternidade de seu trabalho e de sua produÃÃo, a partir das diretrizes estabelecidas pelo PNPB, na qual a agricultura camponesa à um de seus principais eixos, assim como pelo modelo de desenvolvimento da agricultura capitalista e sua estratÃgia de integraÃÃo de capitais, o agronegÃcio, na qual esta polÃtica pÃblica passa a corroborar. Neste trabalho, tambÃm foi possÃvel identificar a postura polÃtica dos Movimentos Sociais, sobretudo, do MST, frente a expansÃo do cultivo de culturas para produÃÃo dos agrocombustÃveis em seus assentamentos, assim como a orientaÃÃo que à passada para seus tÃcnicos e o cuidado com o nÃo solapamento da soberania alimentar dos camponeses. / The model of economic development based on the logic of amplified reproduction, typical of the capitalist mode of production, has caused a series of crisis at global level; in fact, they are intrinsic to this system and reverberate along several sectors of society. Nevertheless, the crisis and capital are not indifferent processes, on the contrary; according to the intensity and the duration of the crisis, the capital pursuits new strategies to expand itself in this incessant process of accumulation. In such a context, the agrarian space is presented as a âreservationâ in which the private and public investments are channelized aiming the intensification of production in order to contain the crisis.These processes are introduced in two forms: by the territorialization of capital in the countryside and by the monopolization of territory by capital. In the present study, we aim at analyzing not only this advance of capital in the countryside, but also its dynamics of incorporation of new lands through the expansion of tillages towards the production of agrofuel. We analyze, in particular, the unfoldings in the matter initiated with the impulse of the production promoted by a public politic of the federal government called Programa Nacional de ProduÃÃo e Uso de Biodiesel â PNPB. For research, I used the regressive-progressive method of Lefebvre, in order to analyze the assumptions that exist in reality studied, either from the scientific and empirical knowledge, remaining in dialogue with the existing reality and its dynamics. This way, we also prioritize the understanding of its political, social and territorial influences by analyzing the precarious conditions of the peasants, being them the social subjects of this politic. It is convenient to highlight the condition of subjugation of their work and production, considering the guidelines established by PNPB in which the peasant agriculture is one of its main axis; having in mind, the model of development of the capitalist agriculture and its strategy of integration of capital, the agribusiness, in which the cited politic corroborates. In this work was also possible to identify the political stance of social movements, especially the MST, against to the expansion of cultivation of crops for the production of agrofuels in their settlements, as well as guidance that is passed to its technicians and care for for not undermining the food sovereignty of the peasants".

Atualmente, a soberania ainda é tida como um poder supremo que qualifica cada Estado diante dos demais, porém, com o desenvolvimento do DIMA, ao longo das últimas décadas, a responsabilidade de cada Estado tornou-se uma responsabilidade de toda a sociedade internacional, com relação à proteção do meio ambiente. Desta forma, os Estados não podem mais justificar a ineficácia da proteção do meio ambiente, dentro de seu território, sob o argumento do exercício supremo de sua soberania. A Sociedade Internacional tem enfrentado dificuldades, no âmbito internacional, como resultado da crise de governabilidade, das discrepâncias e dos objetivos nada solidários demonstrados pelos Estados. Há uma tensão entre a concreta e efetiva proteção ambiental, no âmbito internacional, e o suposto entrave da soberania estatal, tensão esta fundamentada em princípios tradicionais que, se ao seu tempo já tiveram seu devido valor, atualmente, já não conseguem dar respostas mais complexas exigidas pelo constante desenvolvimento do DIMA, fazendo surgir, assim, a tentativa de se explicarem novos institutos jurídicos. A presente dissertação pretende demonstrar que a soberania e a proteção do meio ambiente não são conceitos antagônicos, ao contrário, são fundamentos que se apresentam interligados, uma vez que a proteção do meio ambiente é uma das funções primordiais do Estado soberano, revelado pelo bem-estar de seu povo. Assim, o conceito de soberania deveria ser repensado, uma vez que o axioma clássico de soberania atrelada à característica da supremacia do Estado, atualmente, tem prejudicado, no âmbito interno e externo aos Estados, a efetiva e concreta aplicação das normas do DIMA, objetivando-se assim proteger o meio ambiente. / Currently, sovereignty is still regarded as a supreme power which qualifies each nation before others. However, with the development of International Environmental Law over the last decades, the responsibility of each sovereign state became a responsibility of the entire international community regarding environmental protection. Consequently, nations can no longer justify the ineffectiveness of the environmental protection within their own territory by claiming the supreme exercise of their sovereignty. The international community has been facing difficulties that result from the governability crisis, discrepancies and the self-centered goals set by nations. There is a tension between the effective environmental protection at the international level and the supposed barrier of state sovereignty. Such tension is grounded in traditional principles that can no longer meet the demands for increasingly more complex responses under International Environmental Law, which brings forth an attempt to explain new legal institutes. This work aims to demonstrate that sovereignty and environmental protection are not opposing concepts, rather, they are interconnected concepts, since environmental protection is one of the primary functions of a sovereign state, expressed by the welfare of its people. Thus, since the classical axiom of sovereignty, linked to the characteristic of the states supremacy, has undermined the effective implementation of the rules of International Environmental Law, both internally and externally, the concept of sovereignty should be rethought, with the aim of protecting the environment.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o conflito diplomático ocorrido entre Brasil e Paraguai nos anos de 2008 e 2009, entendendo-o como um evento que contesta a hidrohegemonia brasileira. As bases teóricas desta pesquisa são conceitos e teorias da geografia política com ênfase na teoria da hidropolítica e no conceito de hidro-hegemonia. A metodologia está baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e entrevistas. Sob a perspectiva da hidropolítica o conflito diplomático analisado é um evento que compõe o processo de disputa pelo domínio dos recursos hídricos transfronteiriços do rio Paraná. Contextualizamos a origem da Itaipu Binacional no processo de disputa entre Brasil e Paraguai pelo domínio desses recursos hídricos transfronteiriços como uma solução interdependente para problemas interdependentes entre Estados vizinhos. Até a ratificação do Tratado de Itaipu a hidro-hegemonia brasileira estava consolidada por meio do controle físico do fluxo hídrico da bacia do Alto Paraná. Após a ratificação desse tratado o Brasil consolida o controle normativo do fluxo hídrico, posto que as bases deste Tratado são as assimetrias existentes entre os Estados. O conflito ocorrido entre 2008 e 2009 buscou reorientar a relação bilateral, com a contestação do exercício do poder material para a superação das divergências na Itaipu Binacional. Isto foi possível por meio do fortalecimento do poder ideacional paraguaio e o consequente fortalecimento do seu poder de negociação. / This work aims to analyze the diplomatic conflict occurred between Brazil and Paraguay in 2008 and 2009, understanding it as an event that challenges the Brazilian hydro-hegemony. The theoretical bases of this research are concepts and theories of political geography with an emphasis on Hydropolitics theory and hydro-hegemony concept. The methodology is based on bibliographical research, documents and interviews. From the perspective of the Hydropolitics this diplomatic conflict is an event that integrates the dispute process to dominate the transboundary water resources of the Parana River. The origin of Itaipu Binacional is contextualized in the process of dispute between Brazil and Paraguay for dominance of these transboundary water resources as an interdependent solution to interdependent problems between neighboring states. Until the ratification of the Itaipu Treaty Brazilian hydro-hegemony was consolidated through physical control of the water flow in the Upper Paraná basin. After the ratification of this treaty Brazil consolidates the regulatory control of the water flow, since the basis of this Treaty are the existing asymmetries between the states. The conflict occurred between 2008 and 2009 sought to reorient the bilateral relationship with the challenge of the exercise of the material power to overcome the divergences in Itaipu. This was possible through the strengthening of the Paraguayan ideational power and the consequent strengthening of their bargaining power.

Analisa-se o uso do território no período da globalização e seu rebatimento na soberania. Apreendeu-se o fenômeno da apropriação mercantil dos recursos hídricos, mormente na Amazônia, observando-se a imanência de usos não-mercantis do território como resistência dos lugares. Analisou-se a realidade como uma totalidade dinâmica, norteando-se pelo imperativo ético de uma práxis transformadora. A hipótese é de que o uso do território como recurso mercantil constrange a soberania, tornando o território um crescente de tensões. Como recurso de método, cindiu-se o espaço-tempo segundo eventos normativos, técnicas da ação, significativos da formação socioespacial brasileira. Concebendo-se o espaço como acumulação desigual de tempos, mostrou-se que o processo de reconfiguração geográfica atual tem raízes distantes; que muitos eventos contemporâneos contêm velhas intencionalidades. Entre 1933 e 1960 as bases da modernização atual se estabeleceram; a criação da Diretoria de Águas e a do Código de Águas regularam todas as possibilidades de uso da água. Entre 1960 e 1993 a criação do MME, do DNAEE, e da Eletrobrás aprimoram o poder de planejamento e ação institucionais atinentes ao aproveitamento múltiplo dos recursos hídricos do território; a criação da Eletronorte, viria viabilizar um significativo aumento de densidades técnicas na Amazônia, com a instalação de sistemas de engenharia como a Usina Hidrelétrica de Tucuruí, entre outros, para viabilizarem a fluidez exigida pela racionalidade econômica vigente, ora aprofundada na globalização através de sistemas de engenharia como Belo Monte e da privatização dos sistemas de saneamento. O período iniciado em 1994 criou metáforas destinadas a consolidar a psicoesfera segundo a qual o princípio de soberania territorial deve ser relativizado. Essa ideologia de estados desterritorializados, contudo, necessita do território como um híbrido de normatizado e norma para tornar-se tecnoesfera. O BIRD, o FMI e a OMC são agentes normatizadores ativos do território, mas somente o estado territorial pode legitimar sua racionalidade normativa que é, no caso em estudo, a mercantilização da água que é social. É o conteúdo territorial do estado que autoriza afirmar a possibilidade de um projeto soberano de país, porque, se a racionalidade do território alienado constrange a soberania, também gesta o seu contrário: um território não-alienado, um exercício consciente, dos lugares, de soberania, como resistência e como produção de uma racionalidade alternativa. / The use of territory in globalization era and its consequences on sovereignty is analyzed. The phenomenon of mercantile appropriation of water resources, especially in the Amazon, has been perceived, observing the immanence of non-mercantile uses of territory as resistance of geographical sites. Reality has been analyzed as a dynamic whole, shaped by the ethical imperative of a transformative praxis. Hypothesis here is that the use of territory as a market resource restrains sovereignty by turning land into a source of tensions. As a means of method, time and space were divided following normative events and techniques for action, which were significant for the formation of Brazilian society and territory. By perceiving space as an unequal accumulation of times, it has been demonstrated that the current process of geographical reconfiguration has its roots far back in time and many contemporary events have old intentions behind. The foundations of the current modernization were established between 1933 and 1960; the creation of Diretoria de Águas and the Código de Águas provided the regulations for all possible uses of water. Between 1960 and 1993 the creation of MME, DNAEE, and Eletrobrás enhances the possibility of planning and taking institutional actions related to the multiple uses of water resources of the territory; the creation of Eletronorte would enable a significant increase in technical densities in the Amazon, engineering sites were created such as the hydroelectric power plant of Tucurui dam, among others, to provide the fluidity required by the economical rationality of that time, and reinforced today in globalization era with engineering sites such as Belo Monte Dam and the privatization of sewage systems. In a period that started in 1994 metaphors have been created to consolidate a collective mindset in which the principle of sovereignty should be relativized. This ideology of states without territory, however, needs territory as a hybrid form between the regulated and the regulation to become a technosphere. The IBRD, the IMF and WTO are active territory regulatory agents, but only a state with a territory can legitimize their regulatory rationality which is, in this case study, the merchandization of water, meant to be collective - social. It is the integrity of a state territory that authorizes the assertion of the possibility of a sovereign project of country, because if the rationality of the alienated territory restrains sovereignty, it also creates its opposite: a non-alienated territory, a conscious exercise of geographical sites, of territorial sovereignty as resistance and production of a different and alternative rationality.

Orientador: Oswaldo Giacoia Junior / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T08:59:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Barsalini_Glauco_D.pdf: 1405816 bytes, checksum: 94e8440db87ac34d25bfb65a2e09be1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A presente tese de doutorado tem por escopo discutir aspectos da teoria política de Giorgio Agamben, em especial os conceitos que ele apresenta a respeito do poder soberano, da violência do Estado contemporâneo, da exclusão, em razão do estado de exceção permanente, dos sujeitos sociais por ele chamados homo sacer e, finalmente, dos direitos humanos. A obra política de Giorgio Agamben se ergue sobre um intenso debate ocorrido especialmente entre três importantes pensadores contemporâneos: Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin e Hannah Arendt. Enquanto o pensador contemporâneo se utiliza de Schmitt para entender a condição violenta do Estado atual naquilo que corresponde ao estado de exceção e da consequente criação do campo como o espaço da consolidação da exceção; ele se aproxima de Arendt para discutir a democracia como uma proposta para o futuro, na perspectiva da criação efetiva do direito a ter direitos; e se fundamenta em Benjamin para compreender a condição violenta do Estado e do direito contemporâneos, descortinando o engodo gerado pelo mito do contrato social. Este trabalho se divide em seis capítulos, além de sua Introdução. No primeiro, discutiremos a questão da soberania, exceção, Estado e direito, traçando paralelos e demonstrando discordâncias entre fontes diretas e indiretas da obra de Agamben, como Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, Max Weber e Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. No segundo capítulo, abordaremos os reflexos, no pensamento de Agamben, dos antagonismos entre as teorias de Schmitt, Benjamin, Kelsen e Arendt, no que concerne à questão da unidade e da pureza. No capítulo seguinte, concentraremos maior atenção sobre os conceitos de autoridade e poder, momento em que promoveremos um contraponto entre Arendt e Schmitt, observando os reflexos das formulações desses autores na filosofia política de Agamben. No quarto capítulo mostraremos as críticas, divergentes entre si, feitas por Arendt, de um lado, e Schmitt, de outro, sobre o problema da revolução permanente. Então, demonstraremos a influência de Karl Marx sobre a obra de Georges Sorel, e desta sobre a de Benjamin. Nesse momento, relacionaremos o messianismo de Benjamin com a "profecia" da "política que vem", feita por Agamben, além de demonstrarmos as proximidades de tal "profecia" com a concepção anárquica da política social desenvolvida por Foucault. No quinto capítulo, trabalharemos a questão do sagrado, do profano e do tempo que resta, este, tema de livro de Agamben, em que ele tem por referência preciosas formulações de São Paulo. O centro deste capítulo, além da obra mencionada, será o livro Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua I. Finalmente, no capítulo derradeiro, abordaremos os temas direitos humanos e democracia, ao procedermos à conclusão deste trabalho / Abstract: This doctorate thesis has for its objective to discuss aspects of the political theory of Giorgio Agamben, especially the concepts that he presents in regards to the sovereign power, in regards to the violence of the contemporary State, in regards to the exclusion, on account of the state of permanent exception, of the social subjects by him called homo sacer and, finally, in regards to the human rights. The political work of Giorgio Agamben was based upon an intense debate occurring amongst three important contemporary thinkers: Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin and Hannah Arendt. While the contemporary thinker uses Schmitt to understand the violent condition of the present State in that that it corresponds to the state of exception and of the consequent creation of the rural environment as the space of the consolidation of the exception; he comes close to Arendt to argue the democracy as a proposal for the future, in the perspective of the effective creation of the right to have rights; and he bases in Benjamin to understand the violent condition of the State and of the contemporary rights, uncovering the decoy generated by the myth of the social contract. This work is composed of six chapters, not including the introduction. In the first chapter, we will discuss the question of sovereignty, governing by exception, State and right, drawing parallels and showing disagreements between direct and indirect sources of the work of Agamben, and Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, Max Weber and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. In the second chapter, we will approach Agamben's thoughts about the consequences of the differences between the theories of Schmitt, Benjamin, Kelsen and Arendt, with respect to the question of unity and purity. In the following chapter, we will focus attention on the concepts of authority and power, when we will promote a counterpoint between Arendt and Schmitt, observing the consequences of the formulations of those authors in the political philosophy of Agamben. In the fourth chapter we will show the criticisms, made by Arendt, on one hand, and Schmitt, on the other, and about the problem of the permanent revolution. We will then demonstrate the influence of Karl Marx over the work of George Sorel, and also the influence of George Sorel over the work of Benjamin. At this moment, we will relate the messianism of Benjamin with the "prophecy" of the "politics that comes", made by Agamben, as well demonstrating the proximity of such "prophecy" with the anarchic conception of the social politics developed by Foucault. In the fifth chapter, we will pursue the question of the sacred, of the profane, and of the time that remains, the latter being the subject of the book of Agamben, in which he has referenced precious formulations of Saint Paul. The focus of this chapter, beyond the work mentioned, will be the book Homo Sacer: the sovereign power and the bare life. Finally, in the last chapter, we will approach the subjects of human rightsand democracy, after which we will proceed to the conclusion of this work / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-21T20:36:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva, Marcio-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1161349 bytes, checksum: 3c38783be5647b14e00a7a6441138b96 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-21T20:36:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva, Marcio-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1161349 bytes, checksum: 3c38783be5647b14e00a7a6441138b96 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Nossa pesquisa analisa os conceitos de fronteira a serem empregados para o estudo do reino de Castela no século XIII. O recorte temporal que adotamos se concentra no período compreendido entre a vitória cristã em Las Navas de Tolosa e os anos finais do Reinado de Afonso X. Acreditamos que esta ofensiva marcou o início da projeção castelhana sobre Andaluzia, além de acentuar o processo de avanço das fronteiras de Castela em direção ao sul Mais do que isso, um estudo da sociedade de fronteira e sua forma de vida tem sua credibilidade como fator histórico precisamente por seu caráter de separação, não só de duas sociedades, mas de duas identidades distintas. Mesmo investigando com certo ardor o período do governo de Fernando III, nossa pesquisa mantém o foco nos anos em que Afonso X esteve à frente da coroa castelhana. / This dissertation examines the concepts of border to be used for the study of the Kingdom of Castile in thirteenth century. The time frame was adopt focuses on the period between the Christian victory in the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa and late reign of Alfonso X. We believe that victory marked the beginning of Castilian drive on Andalucia, and accentuates the process of advancing the frontiers of Castile towards south. Moreover, a study of frontier society and their way of life has its credibility as a historical factor precisely for its character of splitting not only two societies, but two distinct identities. Even investigating quite heartily the rule of Fernando III, our research keeps the focus on the years in which Alfonso X held the Castilian crown.

This study is essentially a critique of how the three dominant paradigms of explanatory international relations theory - (neo-)realism, liberalism, and systemic constructivism - conceive of, analytically deal with, and explain ethnic conflict and sovereignty. By deconstructing their approaches to ethnic identity formation in general and ethnic conflict in particular it argues that all three paradigms, in their epistemologies, ontologies and methodologies through reification and by analytically equating ethnic groups with states, tend to essentialise and substantialise the ethnic lines of division and strategic essentialisms of ethnic and ethno-nationalist elites they set out to describe, and, all too often, even write them into existence. Particular attention, both at the theoretical and empirical level, will be given to the three explanatory frameworks explanatory IR has contributed to the study of ethnic conflict: the 'ethnic security dilemma', the 'ethnic alliance model', and, drawing on other disciplines, instrumentalist approaches. The deconstruction of these three frameworks will form the bulk of the theoretical section, and will subsequently be shown in the case study to be ontologically untenable or at least to fail to adequately explain the complex dynamics of ethnic identity formation in ethnic conflict. By making these essentialist presumptions, motives, and practices explicit this study makes a unique contribution not only to the immediate issues it addresses but also to the wider debate on the nature of IR as a discipline. As a final point, drawing on constitutive theory and by conceiving of the behaviour and motives of protagonists of ethnic conflict as expressions of a fluid, open-ended, and situational matrix of identities and interests without sequential hierarchies of dependent and independent variables, the study attempts to offer an alternative, constitutive reading of ethnic and nationalist identity to the discourses of explanatory IR. These themes that are further developed in the empirical section where, explanatory IRA's narratives of ethnic group solidarity, ethno-nationalism, and national self-determination are examined and deconstructed by way of the case study of the relations between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Iraqi Kurdish ethno-nationalist parties in the wider context of the political status of the autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq. With this ambition this study makes an original empirical contribution by scrutinising these relations in a depth unique to the literature.

L’analyse des fonctions juridiques de l’État, telle qu’elle a été développée à partir du XVIIe siècle, notamment par Locke, est demeurée dans l’ensemble assez pauvre et a été soumise à des tensions peu propres à favoriser l’élucidation sereine des difficultés qu’elle soulevait, en particulier dans les débuts de la Révolution française. Il en est résulté une véritable vulgate philosophico-juridique établissant trois fonctions – législative, juridictionnelle, administrative – qui ne cadrent guère avec la diversité des activités de l’État, singulièrement la fonction administrative ou « exécutive » conçue d’un point de vue organique comme une catégorie résiduelle embrassant l’ensemble des actes juridiques et des actes matériels de ce que l’on ne saurait nommer « Exécutif » qu’avec la prudence des guillemets. Le propos de la thèse est donc d’offrir une méthodologie que l’on pourrait dire « réaliste » afin de construire une typologie complète des fonctions de l’Exécutif en distinguant les infinies manières d’édicter un acte juridique ou de commettre un acte matériel. Au terme de cette typologie, dont la summa divisio oppose les fonctions internes aux fonctions internationales, il apparaît que cet organe exerce ou participe peu ou prou à l’intégralité des activités de l’État. Des actes aux fonctions et des fonctions à l’essence, cette thèse se propose enfin de qualifier la nature d’un « Exécutif » qui ne saurait être réduit à un simple « pouvoir », au sens où l’on entend habituellement ce terme, mais qui est encore et surtout une « autorité », autorité désormais fragilisée et concurrencée. / The analysis of the legal functions of State, as it was developed from the seventeenth century, notably by Locke, has remained generally rather poor and has been subjected to tensions not likely to promote elucidation of the difficulties it raised, particularly in the early days of the French Revolution. The result was a veritable philosophico-juridical vulgate establishing three functions - legislative, jurisdictional, administrative - that do not fit very well with the diversity of the activities of the State, particularly the administrative or "executive" function conceived from an organic point of view as a residual category embracing all the legal acts and material acts of what can only be called "Executive" with the prudence of the quotation marks. The purpose of the thesis is therefore to offer a methodology that could be called "realistic" in order to construct a complete typology of the functions of the Executive by distinguishing the infinite ways of enacting a legal act or committing a material act. At the end of this typology, whose summa divisio opposes the internal functions to the international functions, it appears that this organ exercises or participates more or less in the whole of the activities of the State. From actions to functions and functions to essence, this thesis proposes finally to qualify the nature of an "Executive" which can not be reduced to a mere "power", in the sense in which one usually hears this term, but which is still and above all an "authority", which is now challenged.

In 1990, the Institute for Historical and Socio-Political Studies of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party was closed, since the Party was dissolved by the Romanian Revolution. Similar institutions had existed in all countries belonging to the Soviet bloc. This Institute was founded in 1951 under the name of the Party History Institute, and modelled on the Marx-Lenin-Engels Institute in Moscow. Since then, it served the Communist Party in producing thousands of books and journals on the history of the Party and of Romania, following Party orders. Previous research has portrayed the Institute as a loyal executioner of the Party’s will, negating the agency of its history-writers in influencing the duties of the Institute. However, the recent opening of the Institute’s archive has shown that a number of internal and previously obscured dynamics impacted on its activities. This book is dedicated to the study of the Party History Institute, of the history-writers employed there, and of the narratives they produced. By studying the history-writers and their host institution, this study re-contextualizes the historiography produced under Communist rule by analysing the actual conditions under which it was written: the interrelation between dynamics of control and the struggle for resources, power and positions play a fundamental role in this history. This is the first scholarly inquiry about a highly controversial institute that struggled in order to follow the constantly shifting Party narrative canon, while competing formaterial resources with rival Party and academic institutions. The main actors in this study are the history-writers: Party veterans, young propagandists and educated historians, in conflicting networks and groups, struggled in order to gain access to the limited resources and positions provided by the Party, and in order to survive the political changes imposed by the leadership. By doing so they succeed, on many occasions, to influence the activities of the Institute.