Juan Marse is generally acknowledged to be one of Spain's leading writers, his work having achieved both critical acclaim and popular success. Despite this author's extensive use of references and allusion to, and quotations from, others' texts, previous research on Marse's novels has largely ignored the important role played by intertextuality in his work. This thesis explores Marse's use of others' texts in five of his later novels, viz. Ultimas tardes con Teresa (1965), La oscura historia de in prima Montse (1970), Si to diesen que cai (1973), La muchacha de las bragas de oro (1978) and Un dia volvere (1982). A general overview of theories of intertextuality is followed by a detailed discussion of Gerard Genette's theory of hypertextuality, as discussed in his work Palimpsestes: La litterature au second degre (1982). It is his theoretical model and terminology, together with insights from Linda Hutcheon's book, A Theory of Parody: The Teachings of Twentieth-Century Art Forms (1985), which inform the detailed analysis of Marse's novels which makes up the greater part of this thesis. This analysis focusses on Marse's extensive hypertextual use not only of literary texts but also of films, pictures, comic books and song lyrics. It also examines the ways in which Marse signals the presence of these borrowed texts to his readers and considers the connections in his work between metafiction and hypertextuality. It is argued in conclusion that hypertextual analysis of Marsd's later novels reveals hidden dimensions in the author's work not previously commented on in other critical studies of Marse's fiction.

This paper will look back on the work of Equipo Cronica, who worked between 1964--1980, to reveal a production of art that centered on issues of originality and value that were grounded in attempts at social activism and a redefinition of the role of art vis-a-vis society. To achieve their goals, I will argue and describe how the two man team of artists used serialism, objectivity, hybridity, appropriation of mass media iconography and techniques, and parody to produce something that was neither an art object nor an ordinary object, but an object of criticism. The historical relevancy of such an art lies in its claims of participating in a political critique of the culture industry controlled by the oppressive Franco regime, and its wary outlook on the rapid modernization of Spain into the neo-capitalist state it is today within the multinational world order. / The relevance of such an examination lies in how their intentions to create a new relationship between art and society is still pertinent today in modern Spain. Since the death of Franco in 1975 there has been a feeling in Spain that the eyes of the world have been on its new democracy, leading to a campaign, led until recently by the Socialist government, to prove Spain is a modern state that has recuperated from 40 years of isolation. It has tried to demonstrate that it is progressive, not only economically and technologically, but culturally. Over the last twenty years a veritable culture industry has boomed in Spain which has been generously backed by its federal and regional governments. As Spain zealously and rapidly finds its place in the globalized multinational world order, I will demonstrate that the issues of identity pertinent to Equipo Cronica, and the tactics they used to address it, can still contribute a critical position to present-day discussions.

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L’élan créateur consécutif à la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939) reste très vif dans les générations de poètes qui écrivent en Espagne vers les années 50 ; c’est ce que l’on appelle poesía social, où l’on classe habituellement des noms tels que Blas de Otero, Gabriel Celaya ou José Hierro. Le ton combatif des années de guerre (Alberti, Hernández) devient alors résigné et seule une pointe d’espoir semble surgir de cette poésie radicalement solidaire. Quelques années plus tard, pour une nouvelle génération poétique (Jaime Gil de Biedma, José Agustín Goytisolo, entre autres) il ne s’agit plus d’écrire une poésie de circonstances, mais de donner voix à leurs inquiétudes personnelles, même si celles-ci sont étroitement liées au devenir collectif de leur pays. Habituellement on considère que ce type de poésie engagée termine avec l’avènement, dans les années 70, des Novísimos, groupe de poètes cherchant, bien au contraire, à faire une poésie aux antipodes de la triste réalité espagnole. Ces poètes ont besoin d’actualiser un horizon lyrique suranné et de donner à la poésie une dimension ludique absente de la poésie espagnole depuis les avant-gardes des années 20-30. Il n’en est pas moins que cette prise de position très critiquée constituait également une réaction subversive. Pour ces jeunes poètes il fallait résolument aller de l’avant et ne pas laisser la poésie espagnole, qui avait connu des heures si brillantes, s’engouffrer elle aussi dans les enfers d’un régime dictatorial. Ce changement de paradigme va à son tour se voir en quelque sorte interrompu dans les années 80 par le groupe poétique La otra sentimentalidad, qui revient à la poésie liée étroitement à l’histoire, cette fois-ci en pleine movida, ce mouvement social et culturel qui dynamitait les mœurs espagnoles et qui coïncidait avec l’arrivée des socialistes au pouvoir, en 1982. Il s’agira désormais de concevoir la littérature comme discours idéologique et d’en assumer l’historicité radicale. Javier Egea, membre fondateur du groupe de Grenade et figure centrale de ce travail, s’évertue non seulement à intégrer les réflexions matérialistes dans son œuvre, surtout dans ses recueils capitaux (Troppo mare, de 1984, Paseo de los tristes, de 1982, et Raro de luna, de 1990), mais aussi à cultiver une poésie qui évoque les événements historiques de manière directe, notamment dans ses poèmes dispersés ou inédits. C’est sur cette œuvre et sur les liens qui se tissent entre poésie et histoire dans le dernier tiers du XXe siècle espagnol que ce travail se propose de réfléchir. / The creative impulse resulting from the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) remained very vivid in the generations of poets who wrote in Spain in the 1950s; this is called social poetry, where authors as Blas de Otero, Gabriel Celaya or José Hierro are usually classified. The combative tone of the war years (Alberti, Hernández) then became resigned and only a hint of hope seemed to arise from this radically solidary poetry. A few years later, for a new poetic generation (Jaime Gil de Biedma, José Agustín Goytisolo, among others), it is no longer a question of writing a poem of circumstances, but of giving voice to their personal anxieties, even if those anxieties are closely linked to the collective future of their country. Usually it is considered that this type of committed poetry ended with the advent, in the 70s, of the Novísimos, a group of poets were seeking, on the contrary, to make a poetry at the antipodes of the mournful Spanish reality. These poets needed to actualize an outdated lyrical horizon and to give poetry a playful dimension absent from Spanish poetry since the avant-gardes of the years 20-30. Nevertheless, this highly criticized position was also a subversive reaction. For these young poets it was necessary to resolutely go forward and not let the Spanish poetry, which had known such brilliant hours, also plunge into the underworld of a dictatorial regime. This paradigm shift will in turn be seen in some way interrupted in the 80s by the poetic group La otra sentimentalidad, which returns to poetry closely linked to history. This period coincided with the arrival of the Socialists in power in 1982 and the movida, a social and cultural movement life which dynamited the Spanish manners. It will now be a question of conceiving literature as an ideological discourse and assuming its radical historicity. Javier Egea, founding member of the Grenada group and central figure of this work, strives not only to integrate the materialistic reflections in his work, especially in his capital collections (Troppo mare, 1984, Paseo de los Tristes, of 1982, and Raro de luna, of 1990), but also a poetry directly related to the historical events, especially in his dispersed or unpublished poems. This thesis proposes a reflection on this work and on the links between poetry and history in the last third of the Spanish twentieth century.

Tomás Segovia and Angelina Muñiz Huberman belong to a group of writers known as «Hispanomexicanos». Most approaches to this generation have been towards the role that exile plays in their early work, paying almost no attention to its role after that initial stage. These approaches have been limited to the first years of their work, in the belief that those writers subsequently moved on to deal with issues which are different from those in which their experience of exile is clearly the central topic. However, through an analysis of the poetry of Muñiz and Segovia, this thesis aims to show that exile continues to play a central role beyond that first stage. It argues that their exile is transformed into a series of symbols that come to constitute a shared style and, more importantly, it proposes that their experience of exile is transformed into a feeling of existential displacement which impels a search for meaning and belonging to the world. Consequently, the conclusion presented in this thesis is that exile plays a central role in their poetry, in the sense that it expresses the ways in which these two writers search and transmit meaning and attempt to feel part of the world. Ultimately, this thesis aims to set an example of approach which could be productively taken to study the work of other writers from this generation.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Spanish Republican philosophers in exile defended the Second Republic, legally proclaimed on April 14, 1931. They embraced the anti-fascist cause rising in the 1920s and the 1930s in Europe. During the Civil War, which lasted three years, they stood among the people. 1939 saw the victory of General Francisco Franco, supported by Nazi Germany and the Italy of Mussolini. Threatened with death, they had no choice but to escape from Spain. Some intellectuals experienced French concentration camps but, for the most part, they found refuge in Latin America, especially in Mexico and Venezuela. In exile, they swore to remain loyal to the Second Republic and to the spirit of the Spanish people. Moved by liberal views and humane ideals, these philosophers belonged to the vanquished, as those everywhere in Europe who rose against Fascist barbarity. As a result, their respective works are still widely unknown today – despite relentless efforts made to promote their thought to a larger audience for over half a century. In addition to the historical context of crisis during the interwar period, the situation of Spanish philosophy itself is suggestive. Indeed, Spanish philosophy was institutionalised at the beginning of the twentieth century only: the Schools of Madrid and Barcelona were created. These politics of cultural and intellectual renovation are first bestowed upon the generation of philosophers I study, born in the 1900s. When the Spanish War erupts, they had become professionals of international recognition. This shows the actual limits of academic philosophy, incapable of acknowledging unorthodox ways of philosophising. The experience of exile itself serves in my opinion as a catalyst: Spanish Republican philosophers in exile seek emancipation from academic conventions to philosophise freely; that is, in Spanish and according to the spirit of the people. No doubt “poetic reason” – the true invention of Spanish Republican exile – stems from this ideal of autonomous thinking.

Silenced for almost half a century, testimonies of those who lost the Spanish Civil War are now surfacing and being published. The origin of this dissertation was the chance discovery that Martín Herrera de Mendoza, a Spanish Civil War exile living in the United States, was truly a Catalonian anarchist named Antonio Vidal Arabí. This double identity was a cover for the political activist dedicated to the fight for change in the anarchist workers’ union CNT (National Confederation of Workers) and the FAI (Federation of Iberian Anarchists). He founded the FAI chapter in Santa Cruz de Tenerife and planned a failed assassination attempt on General Franco’s life in an effort to avoid the military takeover in 1936. This dissertation is the reconstruction of Antonio Vidal Arabí’s life narrative. It is based on the texts written during his seventeen-month stay as a refugee in Great Britain. Copies of his writings were left in a suitcase with a fellow anarchist who he instructed to have sent to his family upon his death. In 1989, “The English Suitcase” was delivered to his children in Barcelona. Based on his own account, this study follows his service as an intelligence agent for the Spanish Republic during the War. When it was over, he attempted to evacuate his family from France, to save them from the threat of the Nazi invasion and reunite with them in England or America. The analysis of the letters he wrote to his wife and children in France documents how he hid from Franco’s spies using his dual identity. In his letters, always signed as Martín Herrera de Mendoza, he invents a persona in order to help his family. The present study narrates his transformation into the persona he created and the events that brought about his translation into his “other.” Antonio Vidal Arabí’s bilinguism and biculturality is underlined as the main factors in his change into Martín Herrera de Mendoza. His was a voyage into exile documented by his own words; a story of survival and reinvention. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2017. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection