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This dissertation explores U.S. military surgeons’ purposeful efforts to alter how medical and line officers in the U.S. Army and Navy conceived of disease, appreciated surgeons’ roles, and organized medical war preparations through education, training, exposure, and medico-military professionalization between 1884 and 1918. It traces surgeons’ postwar efforts to change American military cultures in response to the revelations of the germ theory of disease and deadly typhoid fever epidemics in the American training camps of the Spanish-American War. Medical and line officers required academic education and practical lessons to contextualize disease, surgeons, and medical care, understand and appreciate germs’ role in medicine, and train to apply these lessons to benefit their soldiers and sailors. Surgeons also reinforced their scientific education and grew military medicine through postgraduate education and tactical training designed to enhance the line’s perception of surgeons and medical science.This dissertation rests on the contention that surgeons contributed to military preparation for the next war by effecting cultural change to prevent the epidemics of previous wars. This culture of medical preparation shaped how military medical departments recruited, organized, and trained medical officers, procured supplies, and managed civil-military relationships. Entwined cultural change and war preparation were expressed in the multiple mobilization activities through which surgeons validated the success or failure of their efforts. Troops participated in organized camps of instruction, maneuver camps, and major mobilizations to the U.S.-Mexico border, allowing surgeons to use the physical encampments, hospitals, and other surgeons to test assumptions, exercise and refine theory, validate operational principles, and improve from previous iterations. As the United States entered the Great War in 1917, epidemics of measles, influenza, and meningitis attacked Army and Navy recruit training camps. Rather than demonstrate failure, this dissertation positions the 1917 and 1918 epidemics to demonstrate medical officers’ successful military cultural change. A comparative approach between 1898 and 1918 also highlights cultural and medico-military evolution through the lenses of preparation and mobilization. Official military reports and archival sources illuminate cultural divisions between line and medical officers and track the curricular development of military hygiene and sanitation courses in undergraduate and professional military schools and specialized fields at military medical schools. This dissertation intervenes in military and medical historiographies by pushing the conversation beyond disease’s impact on war to center disease and changing perceptions of disease, culturally and medically, as features of military preparation. It also recasts military surgeons as central agents in the U.S. military’s turn-of-the-century professionalization and modernization efforts. As the world addresses the outcomes and aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, this dissertation demonstrates that physicians and societies met previous epidemics and pandemics on medical science’s past frontiers where the germ theory of disease had barely won acceptance. It also illustrates the power of individuals in subordinate classes to affect institutional cultures for the betterment of all. Lastly, as military operations during future pandemics are all but guaranteed, this dissertation proves that dedication and preparation are just as vital to epidemic defense as good science. / History

Lorsque William Randolph Hearst prit les rênes, en 1887, d’un petit quotidien sans envergure, personne ne fit grand cas de ce jeune nanti admiratif du travail de Joseph Pulitzer. Vingt ans plus tard, W. R. Hearst était à la tête d’un empire médiatique considérable et d’un pouvoir politique incontestable. Dans cet intervalle, les États-Unis, la presse, et William Randolph Hearst connurent des destins liés. Les États-Unis, d’abord, entrèrent de plain-pied dans ce qui allait devenir le siècle américain, avec leur puissance économique industrielle, et un statut de puissance coloniale acquis à la faveur de la guerre hispano-américaine en 1898. La presse, quant à elle, connut des bouleversements majeurs et une vigueur sans cesse alimentée par toujours plus de modernité. Hearst, enfin, construisit un parcours atypique, au point de rencontre entre médias et politique, couronné d’immenses succès comme de cuisantes défaites. Divertissant pour les uns ou effrayant pour les autres, il n’en porta pas moins les espoirs d’une frange encore silencieuse de la population, et fit de sa vie publique une histoire à rebondissements, non sans rapport avec le journalisme "jaune" qu’il érigea en éthique et en arme politique, malgré les critiques. Au-delà de la fascination, de la caricature, ou du jugement sans concession, le parcours médiatico-politique de Hearst mérite un réexamen qui prend en compte les transformations profondes de la société américaine. Sans le concours opportun de ces dernières, sa trajectoire n’aurait pas le même impact en tant que part significative, si ce n’est, sur bien des aspects, emblématique, du destin tumultueux de la nation américaine entre XIXe et XXe siècles. / In 1887, when William Randolph Hearst became the editorial head of a small daily in San Francisco, no one bothered to notice this well-off young man who admired Joseph Pulitzer’s work. Twenty years later he reigned over a gigantic media empire and held an unquestionable power in politics. In the meantime the paths followed respectively by the United States, the press and W. R. Hearst crossed many times. The United States fully entered what was to become the American Century as a prominent economic, industrial and colonial power, after the 1898 Spanish-American War. The American press underwent dramatic breakthroughs, and was vigorous as ever thanks to unceasing innovations and growing business-oriented practices. Hearst constructed an original career, at the crossroads of media and politics; he knew great successes, bitter defeats and disappointments. Entertaining to some, frightening to others, he was nonetheless the focus for the aspirations of a silent fringe of the population, and conceived his public life as a true story with twists and turns, similar to the stories accounting for the success of "yellow journalism" that constituted Hearst’s ethics and political weapon of choice, despite many criticisms. Beyond fascination, caricature or hasty judgments, his career deserves a reassessment that takes into account the changes affecting the core of American society. Without the help, intended or not, of those major transformations, Hearst’s adventure might not have left such a strong mark on his country’s history: a significant part of the bustling destiny of the United States at the turn of the XXth century, it is also, in many respects, an emblematic one.

This thesis is an annotated and edited typescript of a primary source, the handwritten diary of Chriss A. Bell, of the Second Oregon Volunteer Infantry state militia. The diary concerns the events of Oregon's National Guard state militia in the Spanish-American war in the Philippines, and the Philippine Insurrection that followed. The period of time concerned is from the beginning of May, 1898 to the end of June, 1899.

During the ten years following the Spanish American War (1898 to 1908), Major General Leonard Wood served as the primary agent of American imperialism. Wood was not only a proconsul of the new American Empire; he was a symbol of the empire and the age in which he served. He had the distinction of directing civil and military government in Cuba and the Philippines where he implemented the imperial policies given to him by the administrations of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. In Cuba, he labored to rebuild a state and a civil society crippled by decades of revolutionary ferment and guided the administration's policy through the dangerous channels of Cuban politics in a way that satisfied – at least to the point of avoiding another revolution – both the Cubans and the United States. In the Philippines, Wood took control of the Moro Province and attempted to smash the tribal-religious leadership of Moro society in order to bring it under direct American rule. His personal ideology, the imperial policies he shepherded, and the guidance he provided to fellow military officers and the administrations he served in matters of colonial administration and defense shaped the American Empire and endowed it with his personal stamp.

In the three decades surrounding the Spanish-American war (1880-1910), three prominent Puerto Rican artists, Francisco Oller (1833-1917), Manuel E. Jordan (1853-1919), and Ramón Frade (1875-1954) created a group of paintings depicting "el jíbaro," the rural Puerto Rican farm worker, in a way that can be appropriately labeled "nationalistic." Using a set of motifs involving clothes, customs, domestic architecture and agricultural practices unique to rural Puerto Rico, they contributed to the imagination of a communal identity for creoles at the turn of the century. ("Creole" here refers to individuals of Spanish heritage, born on the island of Puerto Rico.) This set of shared symbols provided a visual dimension to the aspirational nationalism that had been growing within the creole community since the mid- 1800s. This creollismo mythified the agrarian laborer as a prototypical icon of Puerto Rican identity. By identifying themselves as jíbaros, Puerto Rican creoles used jíbaro self-fashioning as a way to define their community as unique vis a vis the colonial metropolis (first Spain, later the United States). In this thesis, I will examine works by Oller, Jordan and Frade which employ jíbaro motifs to engage this creollismo. They do so by painting the jíbaro himself, his culture and surroundings, the fields in which he worked, and the bohío hut which was his home. Together, these paintings form a body of jíbaro imagery which I will contextualize, taking into account both the historical circumstances of jíbaro life, as well as the ways in which signifiers of jibarismo began to gain resonance amongst creoles who did not strictly belong to the jíbaro class. The resulting study demonstrates the importance of the mythified jíbaro figure to the project of imagining Puerto Rican creole society as a nation, and the extent to which visual culture participated in this creative process.

This thesis examines Anglo-French perceptions of power within the context of the rise of the United States of America. It uses several overlapping events falling within a moment at the end of the nineteenth century (1898-1899) - the Spanish-American War, the Dreyfus Affair and the Fashoda crisis - to explore various British and French actors' perceptions of national power, decline, and international competition. It draws heavily on diplomatic material, but its methodology is primarily cultural. It examines ways in which various cultural assumptions affected perceptions of power and global events. It takes a particular interest in the relationship between ideas about gender and dimensions of national power. It focuses on contemporary preoccupations and assumptions, whether spoken or unspoken, and argues that they could prove determinative. External realities were refracted into perceptions that in turn drove prescriptions and policy. The thesis juxtaposes perspectives from multiple states, thereby contextualizing or comparing British, French and occasionally American preoccupations with those of their transatlantic contemporaries. It draws upon archival sources which previously have been under-examined or approached from different perspectives and research priorities. Its exploration of the cultural dimensions of thought about national power and success is grounded in an awareness of the analysis and actions of certain diplomats and politicians involved in the more practical business of international affairs. Conversely, diplomatic and other records are situated within their cultural milieu, to better understand the context in which views about the international order were shaped. The thesis necessarily makes excursions into the history of emotions, since its actors' political analyses at times appear entangled and aligned with their emotional responses. The thesis therefore serves as an example of an international history that integrates diplomatic with cultural and emotional elements and demonstrates their mutual illumination.

For civilization and citizenship: emancipation, empire, and the creation of the black citizen-soldier tradition examines the origins and evolution of black military service and its relation to how black and white Americans understood citizenship from the Civil War Era to the First World War. This dissertation analyzes how different generations of black soldiers pursued full, civic citizenship through their military service and formed their own vision of citizenship rooted in military service and how the War Department sought to deal with the tensions created by a biracial Army. While it asserts that a separate, black citizen-soldier tradition linking service and citizenship emerged over the course of the nineteenth century, this dissertation argues that this tradition was informed by and rooted in American military culture and traditions. Concentrating on the nexus of American racial ideologies, War Department policies, and black aspirations for citizenship, this dissertation not only reveals the early, firm connection between military service and citizenship among African Americans, but also reveals the ironic nature of the black citizen-soldier tradition. Far from simply examining black soldier’s failures to translate their service into fuller, civil status, For civilization and citizenship analyzes the unique ways in which black soldiers resisted American racial ideologies and the rise of Jim Crow as well as the overall Americanness of black efforts to attain citizenship. In contrast to other studies’ emphasis on either direct, nonviolent or armed resistance to white supremacy, this dissertation proposes that the black citizen-soldier tradition represented a distinct, powerful form of black resistance that manifested as accommodation to American civilization’s institutions and imperial agendas while seeking to fundamentally change their meaning and ethos. As black soldiers served in the armies of the Union in the American Civil War, those of the western frontier in the postbellum era, and those of overseas empire at the end of the nineteenth century, they confirmed their status as Americans while countering the dominant racial tropes of American civilization. For citizenship and civilization reveals the links between emancipation, empire, and changing meanings of citizenship in the U.S. through the black citizen-soldier tradition.

Submitted by LUCAS AMARAL BATISTA LEITE null (leite.ri@gmail.com) on 2017-09-19T02:33:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LEITE_2017_REVISADA.pdf: 2464929 bytes, checksum: b0fa8613e387351b414b4366429661f6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-19T20:44:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 leite_lab_dr_mar.pdf: 2464929 bytes, checksum: b0fa8613e387351b414b4366429661f6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T20:44:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 leite_lab_dr_mar.pdf: 2464929 bytes, checksum: b0fa8613e387351b414b4366429661f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-21 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Esta tese de doutorado tem o objetivo de explicar a ascensão dos Estados Unidos no sistema internacional, por meio de análise os discursos presidenciais do State of the Union, no período correspondente aos anos de 1865 e 1912. Buscaremos compreender o papel da ideia de singularidade, especialmente presentes no chamado Destino Manifesto e nos marcos conhecidos como Doutrina Monroe e Corolário Roosevelt. Ademais, daremos ênfase às construções que relacionam a construção da identidade norte-americana em contraponto à do "Outro" a ser delimitada, como na adoção de uma leitura darwinista das relações sociais e dentre nações pelos presidentes norte-americanos. Igualmente, trabalharemos com a ideia de uma fronteira que se expande de acordo com a necessidade e os interesses do país dentro de um projeto de ordem e estabilidade hemisférica que corresponderia a um projeto similar de forma interna. Nossa análise será conduzida por referenciais teóricos considerados pós-estruturalistas, auxiliada particularmente pelas obras de autores como David Campbell (1992) e Robert Walker (1993), para os quais a linguagem é objeto de estudo na disciplina de Relações Internacionais. / This dissertation aims to illustrate the rise of the United States in the international system through presidential speeches of the State of the Union analysis, from 1865 to 1912. We seek to understand the role played by perceptions of singularity, especially in the so-called Manifest Destiny and the Roosevelt Corollary’s of Monroe Doctrine. Additionally, we emphasize the narratives that relate the construction of American identities as opposed to the "Other", usually approached under a Darwinian perception of social relations between the nations and the U.S. presidents, including the idea of a border that expands according to the needs and interests of the country - in an order and hemispheric stability that would correspond to a similar project internally. Our analysis will be conducted poststructuralist theory, mainly in the works of authors such as David Campbell (1992) and Robert Walker (1993), that consider the language as an subject of study in the discipline of International Relations. / Esta tesis de doctorado tiene el objetivo de analizar el ascenso de Estados Unidos en el sistema internacional a través de los discursos presidenciales del State of the Union en el período correspondiente a los años 1865 y 1912. Buscaremos comprender el papel de la idea de singularidad, especialmente presentes en el llamado "Destino Manifiesto" y en los hitos conocidos como "Doctrina Monroe" y "Corolario Roosevelt". Además, daremos énfasis a las construcciones que relacionan la construcción de la identidad norteamericana en contrapunto a la del "Otro" a ser delimitada, como en la adopción de una lectura darwinista de las relaciones sociales y entre las naciones por los presidentes norteamericanos, y la idea de Una frontera que se expande de acuerdo con la necesidad y los intereses del país, dentro de un proyecto de orden y estabilidad hemisférica que correspondería a un proyecto similar de forma interna. Nuestro análisis será conducido por referenciales teóricos considerados post-estructuralistas, auxiliada particularmente por las obras de autores como David Campbell (1992) y Robert Walker (1993) - los cuales colocan el lenguaje como objeto de estudio en la disciplina de Relaciones Internacionales. / FAPESP: 2013/00591-9

In my dissertation, I study a selection of little known Spanish and Cuban texts published during the Cuban War of Independence at the end of the 19th century. In this project, I provide a transatlantic approach of literary texts in various genres and subgenres, and political messages exchanged between Cuba and Spain, which have been neglected by scholars in the field. By analyzing the emergence of a colonial discourse in the works of novelists, politicians and thinkers who wrote about the Cuban-Spanish confrontation, I establish their ambiguous and frequently contradictory colonial messages. In doing so, this dissertation furthers our understanding of the complexities of the political moment as well as the interest and ideals that ignited the conflict. The study is of great relevance in view of the recent agreements between the United States and Cuba. The relations between the two countries are evolving in a way that was unthinkable at the beginning of the 20th century. Furthermore, secessionist feelings within the Spanish nation are reemerging and similar allegations and demands that brought Cuba to independence are in place. For all these reasons, it is necessary revisiting and comprehending the complex and, frequently contradictory, discourses that emerged in a moment, which was determinant for the development and future political attitudes of the three nations involved.