¡@In view of the political economy of education, the purpose of this thesis is to study the educational thought of Martin Carnoy, who is a political economist and an educationist in the U.S. We are concerned with the relationship between education and capitalist state.¡@Central to this thesis is the state theory and discuss the functions and roles of education in different context, including colonial period, developing countries and advanced capitalist state. ¡@Since the spread of imperialism in colonial period, the colonial schooling is dominated by the colonizer and rationalizes the colonialism. The colonial schooling is therefore a liberating force to help the colonized against the colonizer. According to Lenin¡¦s imperialism, Carnoy explains the relation between colonial education and colonizer in the colonial period. ¡@In developing countries, both the conditioned capitalist state and transition state, the state bureaucracy makes national economic growth its first priority and so does the educational goal. People desire their children to learn more knowledge, however, to increase mass education rapidly. Based on educational dependency theory, Carnoy accounts for the roles of education in the Third World state. ¡@In advanced capitalist state, the state is a product and shaper of class struggle. Thus, the source of education change is pressed by economic reproductive and democratic dynamics. According to the last thought of Poulantzas, Carnoy constructs the ¡§social-conflict theory¡¨ to predict that economic development and social movements influence the education policies. ¡@It should be concluded, from Carnoy¡¦s educational thought, that the core of Carnoy¡¦s education work is the state theory. He criticizes the problems of capitalist education and approves the positive functions of schooling.

This thesis attempts to stress the decisiveness of armed force for the capitalist hold of state power and that only if a multi-level analytical framework is adopted a fuller account of the reality can be given with reference to the capitalist hold of state power. After laying the methodological and theoretical grounds for a multi-level analysis along with the privilege of armed force as the factor enabling the state power, it concretizes the multi-level analytical framework in the context of Turkey. It drives the attention to the co-existence of micro and macro level factors influential over state practices. The mafia forces are also proposed to be integrated to the analysis of the capitalist state on account of the considerable economic and armed means they hold. The Weberian approach describing the state in terms of its monopoly of legitimate use of force is proposed to be replaced by an alternative one not holding the consent of the inhabitants as an unconditional necessity for the presence of the state. The class struggle process is held to take place at a site embracing the interplay of associative and communal relationships in a micro-macro range. The routes of tendential multiplicity and totality are attempted to be explored at least partially. Also the importance of strategy and tactics are stressed and some threats waiting the forces longing for a world without exploitation and domination are underlined.

In the design of novel materials, tunable properties are parameters such as composition or structure that may be adjusted in order to enhance a desired chemical or material property. Trends in tunable properties can be accurately predicted using computational and combinatorial chemistry tools in order to optimize a desired property. I present a study of tunable properties in materials and employ a variety of algorithms that ranges from simple screening to machine learning. In the case of tuning a nanocomposite membrane for olefin/paraffin separations, I demonstrate a rational design approach based on statistical modeling followed by ab initio modeling of the interaction of olefins with various nanoparticles. My simplified model of gases diffusing on a heterogeneous lattice identifies the conditions necessary for optimal selectivity of olefins over paraffins. The ab initio modeling is then applied to identify realistic nanomaterials that will produce such conditions. The second case, [alpha]-Fe₂O₃, commonly known as hematite, is potential solar cell material. I demonstrate the use of a screened search through chemical compound space in order to identify doped hematite-based materials with an ideal band gap for maximum solar absorption. The electronic structure of hematite is poorly treated by standard density functional theory and requires the application of Hartree-Fock exchange in order to reproduce the experimental band gap. Using this approach, several potential solar cell materials are identified based on the behavior of the dopants within the overall hematite structure. The final aspect of this work is a new method for identifying low-energy chemical processes in condensed phase materials. The gap between timescales that are attainable with standard molecular dynamics and the processes that evolve on a human timescale presents a challenge for modeling the behavior of materials. This problem is particularly severe in the case of condensed phase systems where the reaction mechanisms may be highly complicated or completely unknown. I demonstrate the use of support vector machines, a machine-learning technique, to create transition state theory dividing surfaces without a priori information about the reaction coordinate. This method can be applied to modeling the stability of novel materials. / text

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T20:36:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Spinelli_LucasGebara_M.pdf: 1034854 bytes, checksum: c1328a827c1a59dc47733b2c8d729043 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esse estudo pretende abordar o surgimento da autonomia como eixo do discurso e da prática zapatista. Desde o levante armado de 1º de janeiro de 1994, em que tomou sete prefeituras do estado de Chiapas, sul do México, o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional passou por constantes reformulações de sua estratégia, de forma a possibilitar a sua sobrevivência e a autonomia do movimento diante do Estado. Considerado um exército popular e apoiado por uma ampla base social não-militarizada, o EZLN sustenta até os dias de hoje um discurso de autonomia total contra todas as formas de exercício do poder e regulação social advindas do Estado. Nessa perspectiva buscamos analizar as origens dessa autonomia radical, que não apenas busca criar dentro das comunidades zapatistas e no EZLN, instâncias políticas de decisão independentes do Estado, mas que, vinculadas à tomada dos meios de produção e à reapropriação do trabalho produtivo em nível local e regional, adquirem o aspecto da auto-gestão produtiva, necessária à liberação material de militantes nos rumos de uma estratégia política que visa recriar relações sociais / Abstract: This work tries to make an aproach on the zapatistas's practical and discursive axis of autonomy. Since the armed uprising on the first january of 1994, when the it has assaulted into seven municipal townhouses of Chiapas, south Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army has undergone constant reformulation of its strategy, to enable its survival and the autonomy of movement before the State. Considered a popular army and backed by a broad base of social non-militarized, the EZLN maintains to this day a speech of total autonomy against all forms of exercise of power and social regulation stemming from the State. From this perspective we analyse the origins of this radical autonomy, which not only create search within Zapatista communities and the EZLN, political bodies, independent decision of the State, but which, linked to the means of production and the reowning of productive work in local and regional level, acquire the appearance of auto-productive management needed to release material from militants in the direction of a political strategy that aims to rebuild social relationships / Mestrado / Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

In a recent article Ulrich Brand has discussed how best to perform policy analysis. I reflect upon the paper as an interdisciplinary researcher experienced in public policy problems and their analysis with a particular interest in the relationship between social, economic and environmental problems. At the centre of the paper is the contrast between two existing methodologies prevalent in political science and related disciplines. One is the rationalist approach, which takes on the character of a natural science, that believes in a fully knowable objective reality which can be observed by an independent investigator. The other is a strong social constructivist position called interpretative policy analysis (IPA), where knowledge and meaning become so intertwined as to make independence of the observer from the observed impossible and all knowledge highly subjective. Brand then offers his model as a way forward, but one that he closely associates with the latter. My contention is that policy analysis, and any way forward, needs to provide more of a transformative combination of elements from both approaches. Indeed I believe this is actually what Brand is doing.

L’expression « État membre » sert à désigner tout État qui adhère à une entité collective inter-étatique. Jusqu'alors, aucune recherche n'avait exploré le potentiel théorique de ce syntagme en dehors d'une organisation internationale déterminée. L'objet de cette étude tend, à travers l'analyse de différentes expressions de la figure de l'État membre, notamment européenne, à en donner une lecture unifiée. De prime abord, il apparaît que le phénomène de l'appartenance frappe la majorité des États et provoque dès lors unepremière mutation du génome étatique. En effet, la naissance d'un État s'avère à notre époque largement conditionnée par sa reconnaissance. De même, le commerce entre États est de plus en plus dense du fait de la globalisation des échanges. Dans ce cadre concurrentiel, l'organisation conjointe et institutionnalisée des États est devenue un réflexe. Certains États membres ont atteint un degré d'intégration qui induit une perception totalement renouvelée de l'État. En effet, l'État membre est devenu une entité liée et se renforce en tant qu'État par sa participation à un projet qui le dépasse pour le plus grand profit des individus, de leurs droitssubjectifs et de la paix. Figure de l'équilibre, l'État membre est un objet politique qui se trouve à équidistance de l'État fédéré et de l'État classique. Il emprunte au premier sa discipline collective et au second la force de l'engagement volontaire ainsi que la possibilité de se retirer d'une aventure collective qui dévierait de la confiance accordée initialement au collectif. Sur le plan normatif, l'État membre se caractérise par une objectivation de l'ordre juridique qu'il forme. C’est que l'appartenance se traduit juridiquement par une série deprincipes porteurs de valeurs propres à la participation loyale à une expérience de communauté. Dès lors, si le passage de l'État à l'État membre a un impact en premier lieu sur la théorie de l'État, il invite principalement celle-ci à prendre quelque distance avec le positivisme juridique et à renouveler la manière de penser l'État de droit. Né à la sortie de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce phénomène grandissant se décline en 2015 en plusieurs degrés allant du simple membre de l'Organisation des Nations-Unies à l'État membre de collectifs régionaux particulièrement avancés tels que l'Union européenne. Mais la logique d'appartenance révélée dans ce travaillaisse entrevoir une irrésistible évolution dans l'approfondissement de l'intégration de l'État membre. Aussi, parmi les étapes cruciales vers un État renouvelé par son appartenance à un collectif, il convient de citer l'importance de la présence d'un juge supra-étatique. La figure du juge s’affirme en effet comme essentielle dans le saut qualitatif effectué par l’État entre sa qualité initiale d'État-nation souverain à celle plus affûtée d’État membre puisqu’elle permet de passer du registre de la puissance à celui du droit, à condition que le juge puisse être saisi par le citoyen. Car c'est précisément cet étau constitué par le collectif institutionnalisé d'une part et les citoyens d'autre part qui, en exerçant sur l’État membre une pression vertueuse le conduisant au respect de sonengagement, de ses partenaires et de ses ressortissants, fonde la possibilité d'un véritable État de droit. / The expression "member State" is used to designate a State that has become a member of an international collective entity. Until now, no research had explored the theoretical potential of this syntagma apart from considering a particular international organization. The purpose of this study is to give a unified Interpretation of the legal concept of member State, through the analysis of different expressions of this concept, particularly the European one. First, it appears that the phenomenon of membership appliesto a majority of States and causes therefore a first mutation of the State’s genome. Indeed, the birth of a State appears nowadays largely conditioned by its recognition. Also, exchanges between States are increasing in relation to the globalization. In this competitive context, the collective and institutionalized organization of States has become a reflex. Some member States have achieved such a degree of integration that it deeply renews the perception of the concept of State. Indeed, the member State becamean interrelated entity and is strengthened as a State by the participation to a project that goes beyond itself and which creates a higher benefit for people, for their subjective rights and peace. Being characterized by the idea of balance, the concept of member State is a political object which is equidistant from the federated State and the classical State. It borrows its collective discipline from the first, and the strength of the voluntary commitment from the second, as well as the capacity to withdraw from a collective adventure that would deviate the trust initially granted to the collective. From a normative point of view, the member State is characterized by the objectification of that legal form that it constitutes. Actually, the legal traduction of the membership consists in a set of principles that underpin the characteristic values of loyal participation and community based experience. Therefore, if the transformation of a State into a member State has a primary impact on the theory of the State, it most importantly suggests to distance this theory from the legal positivism and to renew the ways of thinking the rule of law. Initiated first at the end of the Second World War, this increasing phenomenon offers in 2015 a range of various expressions, including the membership of the United Nations and more complex expressions of the membership to regional groups of States such as the European Union. But the logic of membership revealed by this study points to an irresistible trend consisting in the deepening of the integration of the member State. Thus, among the crucial steps leading to a State renewed by its membership to a group, it is worth mentioning the importance of the presence of a supranational court. The judge turns out to be an essential component in the qualitative transformation of a nation State, initially sovereign, into a member State. Indeed, thistransformation, which enables to shift between the register of power to the register of right, is only possible if the citizen can refer to the judge. The vice, constituted by the institutionalized collective on the one hand and the citizens on the other hand, applies a virtuous pressure on the member State that drives it towards the respect of its commitment, of its partners and citizens. By doing so, this virtuous pressure founds the possibility of a genuine rule of law.

Orientador: Alcides Hector Rodriguez Benoit / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T17:08:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_JoanirFernando_M.pdf: 921969 bytes, checksum: 3a6d57873fc32cbbccfb17153ecd1774 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Algumas teorias de inspiração marxista afirmam que Marx estaria ultrapassado. Segundo esses marxistas, dentre os quais destacamos Louis Althusser, o capitalismo teria tomado rumo distinto do previsto por Marx. Assim, o fator econômico não seria mais o determinante na reprodução do sistema. Marx teria supostamente negligenciado novos fatores que se sobrepuseram ao econômico como reprodutores ideológicos das relações sociais de dominação, dentre eles o Estado como administrador do capital. O objetivo desta pesquisa é realizar uma leitura dialética da Seção I do Livro Primeiro da obra O Capital de Marx, buscando compreender em que medida Marx teria negligenciado acerca de uma teoria do Estado no capitalismo tardio. Para tanto, partimos do pressuposto de que é possível, por meio de uma exposição dialética, pensar a categoria Estado desde o início dessa obra de Marx. O grande desafio que O Capital apresenta é entender seu método de exposição que sujeita o aparecimento do conceito de Estado como totalidade desde o início e ao longo de seu desenvolvimento da obra. Dessa forma, procuramos mostrar que Marx pensa a categoria Estado dialeticamente presente-ausente já no primeiro capítulo d¿O Capital / Abstract: Some theories of marxist claim that Marx would be exceeded. According to these marxists, among which Louis Althusser, capitalism would have taken different direction predicted by Marx. Thus, the economic factor would not be the determining factor in the system's playing. Marx allegedly neglected new factors which overlapped the economic and ideological breeding of social relations of domination, including the state capital as administrator. The objective of this research is to perform a dialectical reading of Section I of Book First of the work Marx's Capital, trying to understand the extent to which Marx would have overlooked about a theory of the state in late capitalism. Therefore, we assume that it is possible, through a dialectical exposure, think the category State since the beginning of this work of Marx. The great challenge is to understand Capital presents its exposure method which makes the appearance of the concept of state as whole from the beginning and throughout its development work. Thus, we try to show that Marx thinks the State category dialectically present-absent in the first chapter of Capital / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestre em Filosofia

Money is the most ubiquitous institution on the planet. It gave rise to literacy, mathematics, sedentary community, and the concept of universal value. Against this backdrop, however, hardly anyone understands what money is. Orthodox monetary theory conceives of money as a neutral commodity that facilitates barter. Presupposing this theory is a dualistic and atomistic ontology in which reality is organized into hierarchically ordered opposites of superiority and inferiority and complex interactions are reduced to summations of their attendant parts. Accordingly, monetary policy is enacted as though money were any other commodity, subject to the barter dynamics of supply and demand. In this manner, the vast majority of money in modern economies is created by commercial banks in pursuit of profit maximization. An interdisciplinary literature conceives of money as a social relation of credits and debts denominated in a unit of account. Such an approach complicates and undermines the assumptions of economic theory and allows for a more effective approach to the problems attendant to modern money. This dissertation draws upon this literature to develop an Ecological Monetary Theory (EMT) that is simultaneously rooted in a social understanding of money, and an ontology of embeddedness. The first chapter draws upon ecofeminist theory to explore the ontological presuppositions of neoclassical economic theory and the monetary theory it informs. It argues that the dualism and atomism central to Western philosophy manifest as the misleading conceptualization that money is a commodity that facilitates barter. It then explores an interdisciplinary literature to argue that barter has never existed as an economic mode and money’s nature lies rather in the unit of account. It then argues that ecological economics must develop a theory of money of its own in order to avoid importing the dualistic ontology at the heart of orthodox monetary theory. The second chapter develops an ecological monetary theory. It does this by using an interdisciplinary literature to answer three closely-related questions: What is money? How does money get its value? How does money get into society? It then develops an ontology of embededdness by exploring the ontological presuppositions of ecological economics and ecofeminism. Then it develops a two-tiered theory in which money’s abstract social nature is mediated against its tangible biophysical claim through this ontology of embeddedness in order to address the contradiction at the heart of both social and material conceptions of money. The third chapter uses ecological monetary theory to test the desirability of a public banking proposal. In such a proposal, the prerogative of money creation is taken from the commercial banking sector and given solely to the State. This returns seigniorage to the public and allows the government to create money for social and ecological purpose, destroying money through taxation in order to maintain the money’s value. This chapter determines that, given certain parameters, public banking is a desirable alternative to the current monetary system.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(理学) / 甲第18448号 / 理博第4008号 / 新制||理||1578(附属図書館) / 31326 / 京都大学大学院理学研究科化学専攻 / (主査)教授 林 重彦, 教授 寺嶋 正秀, 教授 松本 吉泰 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

This dissertation examines state-society relationships in Turkey through the lens of efforts to promote sustainable development at the local level. To this end, it first lays out a theoretical framework to analyze the political economy of local sustainable development, for which purpose the Gramscian state theory and its applications to the political economy of the environment are deployed. The dissertation thus situates the local social-economic-environmental processes within the making of state hegemony and the uneven impacts of state behavior on the society. The dissertation employs two case studies, each based on extensive qualitative study and quantitative data from the administration of representative surveys to operationalize this framework. At both case study sites, Sultan Sazligi and Köprülü Kanyon, the Turkish state made explicit efforts to implement sustainable development through projects funded by the Global Environmental Facility, but failed to do so. In analyzing the reasons for failure, the dissertation documents how the Turkish state's hegemonic practices, interacting with local power inequalities, undercut the implementation of sustainable development. It further reveals how inequalities are perpetuated by the failure of sustainable development and how they, in turn, prove to be impediments on sustainable development implementation at the local level. The dissertation also provides a critical lens through which community-based schemes, including co-governance and participatory management, can be examined. It highlights, in particular, the role of local inequalities and anticipations shaped by the state by conducting an econometric study. It demonstrates the different channels through which exclusion from decision-making operates, impeding the democratic functioning of these institutions and undermining efforts to promote sustainable development.