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The following paper analyses the similarities and differences as well as the motives and strategies of the demonstrations in Iran which occurred in 2017/2018 and since September of 2022. The findings are discussed using the Rentier State Theory. A pure comparative analysis is not made, rather a case study with the demonstrations as two components. The demonstrations that started in September 2022 is ongoing as of the writing of this paper, despite this are several findings made. Similarities are seen in the participating people between the years, as well as some recurring cities. The biggest differences are the longevity of the demonstrations despite interventions of the regime, the greater unity amongst socioeconomic groups in the ongoing demonstrations as well as the grievances of electoral frauds leading up t. The motive of 2022 is more focused on revolution instead of the reforms of 2017, these differences is however partly uncertain. The strategies were in the beginning similar, with taking of the headscarf as a more prominent action in the demonstrations of 2022. Many of the underlying grievances can be discussed via the Rentier State Theory, for example the democratic deficit and economic hardships. The details and observations are several, but the main conclusion is how the ongoing demonstrations are greater in both numbers, motives, and strategies. The theory is found useful to explain this phenomenon of instability and grievance between state and civilians.

Leaders engaging in controlling leadership behaviours (CLB) has been connected to followers perceiving their basic needs thwarted. However, little research has been made in the organizational field to understand the implications of controlling leadership behaviours for employee well-being. The present study aimed to clarify this relation through understanding controlling leadership behaviours’ influence on employee health, as well as investigate the impact of both leader and employee gender on employees’ perception of  controlling leadership behaviours. A sample of 818 employees, representing the Swedish labour market, completed a questionnaire including measures of perceived controlling leadership behaviours and well-being in terms of self-rated health, burnout, self-rated job satisfaction and vigour. Results confirmed the notion that leaders’ controlling leadership behaviours, like other negative leadership behaviours, is associated with lowered well-being. Results also indicate that male employees perceive male leaders as more controlling than female employees do, while female leaders are perceived as equally controlling by both male and female employees. The gender of leaders exhibiting controlling leadership behaviours seem to have no association with employee well-being. The implications of gender on controlling leadership behaviours is still a question unanswered. Future studies should therefore continue exploring both leader and employee gender influence on CLB. / Ledare som använder sig av kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden har visat sig underminera basala psykologiska behov hos sina följare. Trots detta saknas det forskning på hur chefers kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden påverkar anställda. Denna studie syftade till att klargöra hur kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden påverkar anställdas hälsa, och undersöka hur såväl anställdas kön och chefens kön påverkar de anställdas uppfattning av chefens kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden. Ett randomiserat urval på 818 arbetstagare svarade på frågor om uppfattat kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden hos sin chef och självskattad hälsa i termer av självskattad hälsa, utbrändhet, arbetstillfredsställelse och arbetsenergi. Resultaten bekräftade att kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden hos chefer är relaterat till sämre hälsa och arbetsprestation hos de anställda, samt ökar viljan att sluta. Manliga anställda uppfattar manliga chefer som mer kontrollerande jämfört med sina kvinnliga kollegor, medan kvinnliga chefer uppfattas lika kontrollerande av både manliga som kvinnliga anställda. Den kontrollerande chefens könstillhörighet var inte associerat med anställdas mående. Hur könsaspekter påverkar kontrollerande ledarskapsbeteenden är fortfarande inte klarlagt. Framtida studier bör därför fortsätta undersöka hur både chefens och den anställdas kön influerar CLB.

In this work, experimental and theoretical approaches are applied to the study of chemical reaction dynamics. In Chapter 2, two applications of transition state theory are presented: (1) Application of microcanonical transition state theory to determine the rate constant of dissociation of C2F3I after π∗ ← π excitation. It was found that this reaction has a very fast rate constant and thus is a promising system for testing the statistical assumption of molecular reaction dynamics. (2) A general rate constant expression for the reaction of atoms and molecules at surfaces was derived within the statistical framework of flexible transition state theory. In Chapter 4, a computationally efficient TDDFT approach was found to produce useful potential energy surface landscapes for application to non-adiabatic predissociative dynamics of the molecule CS2 after excitation from the ground state to the singlet C-state. In Chapter 5, ultrafast experimental results of excitation of CS2 to the predissociative neutral singlet C-state is presented. The bandwidth of the excitation laser was carefully tuned to span a two-component scattering resonance with each component differently evolving electronically with respect to excited state character during the quasi-bound oscillation. Scalar time-resolved photoelectron spectra (TRPES) and vector time-resolved photoelectron angular distribution (TRPAD) observables were recorded during the predissociation. The TRPES yield of photoelectrons was found to oscillate with a quantum beat pattern for the photoelectrons corresponding to ionization to the vibrationless cation ground state; this beat pattern was obscured for photoelectron energies corresponding to ionization from the vibrationally excited CS2 cation. The TRPAD data was recorded for two general molecular ensemble cases: with and without a pre-excitation alignment laser pulse. It was found that in the case of ensemble alignment (Chapter 6), the “molecular frame” TRPAD (i.e. TRMFPAD) was able to image the purely valence electronic dynamics of the evolving CS2 C-state. The unaligned ensemble TRPAD observable suffers from excessive orientational averaging and was unable to observe the quantum beat. Engineering efforts were also undertaken to eliminate scattered light background signal (Chapter 7, Appendix A) and improve laser stability as a function of ambient pressure (Appendix B) for TRMFPAD experiments. / Thesis (Ph.D, Chemistry) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-11 22:18:20.89

During the Cold War, Norway was a member of NATO, Sweden was neutral but depended on Western support in the event of a crisis, while Finland's foreign policy priority was to win and retain the Soviet Union's confidence. The purpose of the thesis is to study whether the three small states' different foreign policy choices had consequences for the ways in which the Soviet Union and the USA were depicted in school textbooks for history, geography, and social sciences in the period 1930 to 2004. To this end, a theory derived from small states' strategies to maintain their independence was applied to textbook production. The study demonstrates that there was a link between small state foreign policy and textbooks' accounts of the USA and Soviet Union. Swedish and Norwegian textbooks portray international conflicts from a legalistic perspective, taking the part of small states exposed to superpower aggression such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. In Finnish textbooks, however, an interest in defending small state's rights yielded to the need to demonstrate their goodwill towards the Soviet Union, which was described in far less critical terms than in Swedish and Norwegian textbooks. In time, in the name of neutrality, depictions of the USA also became increasingly uncritical. All three Nordic states had government authorities charged with inspecting and approving school textbooks. Foreign policy's chief influence on textbooks was not effected by direct oversight, however; instead, it was established indirectly by means of the social climate, which determined what was considered politically correct in the three countries, and it was to this that the textbooks' authors adapted their work. Textbooks are often said to be conservative and slow to change, but the thesis shows that in parts they were politically sensitive, rapidly adapting to changes in what society held to be politically correct.

This thesis contributes to the growing EU-US literature by comparing and explaining the evolution of urban policy in these two federal systems. The thesis begins with a puzzle: after introducing two similar and equally short-lived regeneration schemes—Model Cities (MC) (1967) and URBAN (1994)—the US and the EU followed different paths: the former replaced MC with the durable Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) in 1974, while the latter ended urban policy by ‘mainstreaming’ URBAN in its regional policy in 2006. To solve the puzzle I formulate a two-part argument: first, I explain the similarities between MC and URBAN as resulting from three factors: a favourable political context, holistic urban policy ideas, and centre-periphery mistrust. I then explain subsequent trajectories by looking at the interplay of policy and politico-constitutional institutions. While both MC and URBAN were unable to ‘stick’ because of their inherent weaknesses, the result of their demise depended on the existence of a federal ‘city welfare’ state. In the US, the Housing and Urban Development Department (HUD) embodied this state, and channelled Nixon’s attacks on MC into the creation of the structurally stronger CDBG. In the EU, conversely, DG Regio could not provide a comparable anchor for urban policy: when URBAN was attacked by regions and cities, the DG just reverted to its ‘business as usual’ by mainstreaming the programme. I test my argument with a macro-historical comparison of the two cases and four in-depth city studies—Arlington, VA and Baltimore, MD on the US side, and Bristol, UK and Pescara, Italy on the EU side—aimed at analysing micro-level institutional dynamics. In both parts of the study I use a wide range of sources: secondary and grey literature, statistical sources and, especially, archival material and elite interviews. At both levels of analysis the test confirms my argument.

La thèse prend le parti méthodologique de ramener l'action de l'État en faveur de la protection du patrimoine culturel à une simple succession de « prestations ». Prenant au mot le point de vue néolibéral, elle entend se mettre ainsi en capacité d'embrasser d'un même geste l'ensemble des interventions de l'État en ce domaine, quelque soit les formes que celles-ci revêtent (édiction d'une réglementation et fourniture de services matériels). Ce faisant, l'enjeu de la thèse est de parvenir à déterminer « pourquoi » l'État agit en matière de patrimoine culturel, et plus précisément « pourquoi » il agit d'une certaine façon plutôt que d'une autre. Ce type d'interrogation fonctionnelle, auquel les juristes sont peu enclins, présente un avantage : il permet de replacer au cœur de l'analyse les manières particulières dont les catégories propres du droit contribuent à produire – bien plus qu'à décrire – les choix de protection du patrimoine culturel. Ainsi, l'observation diachronique, depuis la Révolution, des prestations publiques en faveur de la protection du patrimoine culturel fait apparaître qu'à plusieurs reprises, ces prestations ont pu, le plus sérieusement du monde, trouver leur source à l'extérieur de l'État, précisément dans un droit de la collectivité. Aussi, en matière patrimoniale se dessine, au-delà d'un processus d'étatisation progressive qui n'a, en soi, rien de bien original, un renversement complexe du rapport de l'État à la collectivité, en ce sens qu'au cours des XIXème et XXème siècles celui-ci se libère de celle-là, à grand renfort de reconceptualisations doctrinales. En définitive, ce n'est que quelque part dans l'entre-deux-guerre, après l'échec des théories du droit social, que l'on enferme définitivement l'explication juridique des prestations publiques en faveur de la protection du patrimoine culturel dans l'antagonisme entre puissance publique et droits fondamentaux. / The thesis has made the methodological choice of reducing the action of the State for the protection of cultural heritage to a simple series of "services". Taking the neoliberal perspective literally, it intends to study all State interventions in this area, regardless of the shapes they assume (enactment of regulation and provision of services). In doing so, the scientific challenge of the thesis is to get to determine why the State acts in cultural heritage, and more specifically why it acts in a certain way rather than another. This functional interrogation, rarely asked by lawyers in France, is of interest as it questions the particular ways in which specific categories of law help to produce - much more than to describe - the choice of a particular cultural heritage protection. Thus, the diachronic observation of services, since the French Revolution, shows that on multiple occasions, these services have found, in all seriousness, their source outside the State, specifically in a community right. Also, beyond a progressive etatization process (which is not in itself very original), a complex reversal of the relation of the State to the society emerges : during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the State frees itself from the society, helped by a massive work of doctrinal reconceptualizations. It is only between World War I and World War II, after the failure of theories of social law, that the legal explanation of State services for the protection of cultural heritage is finally locked in the antagonism between the authority of the State and fundamental rights.

No description available.

<p>During the Cold War, Norway was a member of NATO, Sweden was neutral but depended on Western support in the event of a crisis, while Finland's foreign policy priority was to win and retain the Soviet Union's confidence. The purpose of the thesis is to study whether the three small states' different foreign policy choices had consequences for the ways in which the Soviet Union and the USA were depicted in school textbooks for history, geography, and social sciences in the period 1930 to 2004. To this end, a theory derived from small states' strategies to maintain their independence was applied to textbook production. </p><p>The study demonstrates that there was a link between small state foreign policy and textbooks' accounts of the USA and Soviet Union. Swedish and Norwegian textbooks portray international conflicts from a legalistic perspective, taking the part of small states exposed to superpower aggression such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. In Finnish textbooks, however, an interest in defending small state's rights yielded to the need to demonstrate their goodwill towards the Soviet Union, which was described in far less critical terms than in Swedish and Norwegian textbooks. In time, in the name of neutrality, depictions of the USA also became increasingly uncritical.</p><p>All three Nordic states had government authorities charged with inspecting and approving school textbooks. Foreign policy's chief influence on textbooks was not effected by direct oversight, however; instead, it was established indirectly by means of the social climate, which determined what was considered politically correct in the three countries, and it was to this that the textbooks' authors adapted their work. </p><p>Textbooks are often said to be conservative and slow to change, but the thesis shows that in parts they were politically sensitive, rapidly adapting to changes in what society held to be politically correct.</p>

Over the last five decades, a rich literature on the welfare state has developed. Multiple theories and models seek to explain the contemporary welfare state, including structural functionalist, structural-Marxist and Marxist perspectives, culturalist approaches, pluralist analyses, neo-institutionalist theories, power resources theory, Harold Wilensky and Lebeaux’s dual model, Richard Titmuss’s tri-polar model, and Gøsta Esping-Andersen’s tri-polar model, all designed to account for the emergence of and variations among welfare states. However, these theories and models originated within the developed world, and empirical examinations of these theories are largely restricted within this part of the world. The welfare state literature is too confined to the West today. This study examines key welfare state theories and models in the contexts of developing and least developed nations employing a combination of quantitative, qualitative, and comparative methodologies. It suggests that social policies and programs in the developing nations can be systematically understood in the light of mainstream Western theories and models of the welfare state. Therefore, in addition to challenging current practices that limit the study of the welfare state within particular geographical areas, the research presented here provides rationale for increased efforts to understand welfare policies and programs in developing nations. This will increase our knowledge about the applicability of theories in the developing world and will enrich the understanding of the developed world, and thus contribute to the advancement of welfare state scholarship. / February 2016