This thesis is an inquiry into the challenges to the role of civic organisations in political reform during and after political transitions. The major question this research addresses is: How do institutions and institutional dynamics constrain political reform during a transition? The thesis examines how demands for reform by non-governmental organisations in Lebanon and Libya were not translated into concrete political decisions taken by regimes during a transition period. The thesis suggests that the combination of weak states and power-sharing agreements marginalizes civic organisations, and poses institutional constraints on the likelihood of reform. The thesis is based on contemporary research on events and reform trajectories in Lebanon and Libya, with a focus on the demands and strategies employed by activists during periods of transition. Lebanon between 2005 and 2010 and Libya between 2011 and 2013 underwent critical political events but subsequently did not adopt political reforms despite demands by civic organisations in two main areas: the electoral system in Lebanon and the constitutional process in Libya. A study of these two reform campaigns reveals deeply entrenched historical patterns and elements of continuity that led to path dependent outcomes during transition. By utilising theory and concepts from the perspective of historical institutionalism, the thesis identifies the factors behind path dependent outcomes in Lebanon and Libya. I argue that the transitions in Lebanon and Libya were a result of only ‘partially' critical junctures. The thesis builds on the approach of path dependence by offering insights as to how historically inherited institutional dynamics from the previous regime can cause junctures to be only ‘partially' critical for the broader political order. The main source of data comes from participant observations, interviews and focus groups with two organisations that tried to advance electoral reform and constitutional development.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar de maneira comparada o impacto da política internacional de drogas no Brasil e na Colômbia, analisando a maneira como estes países têm adotado as diretrizes internacionais estabelecidas, adaptando-as de maneira distorcida a sua própria realidade. De igual maneira se analisa como dita política internacional, contrariando seus objetivos, tem estimulado o desenvolvimento de um mercado ilegal de drogas ilícitas na região, com o qual tem aumentado a violência e os problemas causados pela dependência a estas substâncias. Para alcançar os objetivos propostos, antes, faze-se, de maneira específica, uma breve análise da evolução da política internacional sobre drogas e, em termos gerais, da política criminal, para o qual se distingue os discursos que a compõem e o contexto social em que estes se reproduzem; em outras palavras, distinguindo a ideologia da realidade que aquela modifica. Portanto, resulta imprescindível começar qualquer estudo de política criminal sem passar por sua fonte que é o Estado. Nesse sentido, a tese central deste estudo é que de maneira similar como acontece com o Estado, a política criminal de drogas se constitui numa ideologia que cria a realidade que a sustenta, ocultando as relações de poder que há por detrás da política internacional de drogas; em outras palavras, a política internacional de drogas adotada pelo Brasil e pela Colômbia produz os males que ela pretende combater. Por último, este trabalho pretende mostrar que o debate sobre as drogas ilícitas vá além duma simples questão da ciência criminal ou o direito penal. Um debate, que parta da realidade da política criminal de drogas e de sua ideologia, leva a romper com o pensamento tradicional sustentado no saber-poder que a sustenta, e que há permitido sua acolhida no contexto tanto brasileiro como colombiano, apesar de tratar-se de realidades diferentes em quanto ao tráfico e o consumo das drogas ilícitas. / The aim of this work is to study compared the impact of the way international politics in Brazil and Colombia, analyzing the way these countries have adopted international guidelines established by adapting them in distorted their own reality. In the same way if looks at how international politics dictates, contrary to its objectives, has stimulated the development of an illegal market of illicit drugs in the region, which has increased the violence and problems caused by addiction to these substances. To achieve the proposed objectives, first, make, specific way, a brief analysis of the evolution of the international policy on drugs and, generally speaking, criminal policy, for which distinguishes the speeches that compose it and the social context in which these reproduce; in other words, distinguishing the ideology of reality that modifies. Therefore, it is imperative that you begin any study of criminal policy without going through your source that is the State. In this sense, the central thesis of this study is that in a similar manner as with the State, the criminal policy of drugs constitute a legal ideology that creates the reality that sustains it, hiding the power relations that there is behind the international drugs policy; in other words, the international drug policy adopted by Brazil and Colombia produces the evils that she intends to fight. Lastly, this paper aims to show that the debate on illicit drugs goes beyond a simple matter of science criminal or penal law. A debate, to leave the reality of criminal policy of drugs and their ideology, leads to break with traditional thinking that feeds into know-power that sustains it, and that's allowed their welcome in the context both Colombian, Brazilian despite dealing with different realities in the trafficking and consumption of illicit drugs.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar de maneira comparada o impacto da política internacional de drogas no Brasil e na Colômbia, analisando a maneira como estes países têm adotado as diretrizes internacionais estabelecidas, adaptando-as de maneira distorcida a sua própria realidade. De igual maneira se analisa como dita política internacional, contrariando seus objetivos, tem estimulado o desenvolvimento de um mercado ilegal de drogas ilícitas na região, com o qual tem aumentado a violência e os problemas causados pela dependência a estas substâncias. Para alcançar os objetivos propostos, antes, faze-se, de maneira específica, uma breve análise da evolução da política internacional sobre drogas e, em termos gerais, da política criminal, para o qual se distingue os discursos que a compõem e o contexto social em que estes se reproduzem; em outras palavras, distinguindo a ideologia da realidade que aquela modifica. Portanto, resulta imprescindível começar qualquer estudo de política criminal sem passar por sua fonte que é o Estado. Nesse sentido, a tese central deste estudo é que de maneira similar como acontece com o Estado, a política criminal de drogas se constitui numa ideologia que cria a realidade que a sustenta, ocultando as relações de poder que há por detrás da política internacional de drogas; em outras palavras, a política internacional de drogas adotada pelo Brasil e pela Colômbia produz os males que ela pretende combater. Por último, este trabalho pretende mostrar que o debate sobre as drogas ilícitas vá além duma simples questão da ciência criminal ou o direito penal. Um debate, que parta da realidade da política criminal de drogas e de sua ideologia, leva a romper com o pensamento tradicional sustentado no saber-poder que a sustenta, e que há permitido sua acolhida no contexto tanto brasileiro como colombiano, apesar de tratar-se de realidades diferentes em quanto ao tráfico e o consumo das drogas ilícitas. / The aim of this work is to study compared the impact of the way international politics in Brazil and Colombia, analyzing the way these countries have adopted international guidelines established by adapting them in distorted their own reality. In the same way if looks at how international politics dictates, contrary to its objectives, has stimulated the development of an illegal market of illicit drugs in the region, which has increased the violence and problems caused by addiction to these substances. To achieve the proposed objectives, first, make, specific way, a brief analysis of the evolution of the international policy on drugs and, generally speaking, criminal policy, for which distinguishes the speeches that compose it and the social context in which these reproduce; in other words, distinguishing the ideology of reality that modifies. Therefore, it is imperative that you begin any study of criminal policy without going through your source that is the State. In this sense, the central thesis of this study is that in a similar manner as with the State, the criminal policy of drugs constitute a legal ideology that creates the reality that sustains it, hiding the power relations that there is behind the international drugs policy; in other words, the international drug policy adopted by Brazil and Colombia produces the evils that she intends to fight. Lastly, this paper aims to show that the debate on illicit drugs goes beyond a simple matter of science criminal or penal law. A debate, to leave the reality of criminal policy of drugs and their ideology, leads to break with traditional thinking that feeds into know-power that sustains it, and that's allowed their welcome in the context both Colombian, Brazilian despite dealing with different realities in the trafficking and consumption of illicit drugs.

No description available.

The scope of this thesis is to show how the use of maps in political and scientific arguments functions as a mediator between ideological discourse and the physical landscape. This is done by studying three maps displaying the same geographical region but from different times and with different motifs. The maps were studied by operationalizing the French Sociologist Bruno Latour’s concept of immu-table mobiles into a methodological toolset.The thesis shows that the cartographic tradition of the Swedish state throughout the 20th century func-tioned as an immutable mobile that ideological actors could use to form political or scientific argu-ments. An almost trivial point to make. However, the problem is the great distance between state and the place, which in this case is about 1400 kilometers. Thus, the map allows a remote power relation-ship. As the state-owned immutable mobiles were extracted, they were interpreted by the politicians and scientists ideological perspectives. The ideological interpretations were then used in government propositions and reports and thus resulted in actual political decisions that affected the physical land-scape.The creation of Abisko National Park is one example of how this process can look. The park was instigated with a specific set of political goals to be achieved. The political and scientific actors used the immutable mobile that is the map and formed a proposition with it. The act of instigating and upholding the Abisko Valley as a national park is thus a manifestation of both state presence, its supremacy over territory as well as its contemporary ideological context. Moreover, it would be im-possible to instigate a park without the use of maps to define its borders. The planning and ratification of Transnational Road 98 can be seen as another example of the same thing, but with a different contemporary ideology as background.The thesis results in an explanation about what the maps role is in a stately place making process. Additionally the thesis shows what happens over time as different ideological embodiments in the landscape conflict with each other because of their different visions of how the landscape should be used and by whom. / Uppsatsens syfte är att försöka hur kartor fungerar som en länk mellan politisk diskurs och det fysiska landskapet. Detta görs genom att studera tre kartor som avbildar samma område men vid olika tidpunkter och med olika motiv. Kartorna studeras genom en operationalisering av den franske sociologen Bruno Latour’s teori om ’immutable mobiles’.Uppsatsen visar att den statliga kartografiska verksamheten under 1900-talet i Sverige producerade immutable mobiles som sedan kunde avläsas av aktörer och som i sin tur kunde använda dem för att understödja deras politiska och vetenskapliga argument. En tillsynes trivial poäng. Problemet är dock avståndet i mellan den centraliserade makten och platsen som i detta fallet är ca 1400 kilometer. Kartorna möjliggör alltså en maktrelation trots det stora avståndet. Allt eftersom de statligt ägda kartorna var hämtade, tolkades de av aktörernas ideologiska perspektiv. Dessa tolkningar låg sedan till grund för politiska beslut som sedan resulterade i faktiska ingrepp i landskapet.Formerandet av Abisko nationalpark används i uppsatsen som ett exempel på hur denna process fungerar. Parken skapades med ett specifikt set av ideologiska motiv. De politiska aktörerna använde statliga kartor för att utforma sin proposition. Formerandet av parken är således en manifestation av både statlig närvaro, statlig kontroll över landskapet och ett ideologiskt artefakt. Det vore därtill omöjligt att skapa parken utan en karta för att definiera dess gränser. Planerandet och konstruerandet av mellanriksväg 98 mellan Kiruna och Narvik har analyserats på ett liknande sätt, dock med en annan ideologisk bakgrund.Uppsatsen resulterar i en möjlig förklaring till vad kartorna har för roll i en statlig platsskapande och landskapsförändrande process. Vidare så försöker uppsatsen förklara hur olika ideologiska tolkningar av landskapet kan hamna i konflikt med varandra över tid på grund av inkompatibla ideologiska motiv.

This study focuses on use of foreign-policy power by Georgia on USA, EU member states and Russia during 2004-2012. In this period, Georgia wanted to enter into alliance with USA and EU states and gain access to Euro-Atlantic organizations, European Union and NATO. At the same time, Georgia wanted to reduce Russian influence on Georgian soil. After a few months of the new Georgian regime it was clear that the relation with its big neighbor will be difficult, mainly because of the two separatist republics on Georgian-Russian border, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The aim of this study is to determine categories of power that Georgia used to achieve its goals. The study uses concepts of small state and power in international relations. Besides, it uses Nye's concept of soft and hard power. For influencing Western states Georgia chose the combination of soft and hard power. Soft power of Georgia has been mainly based on presentation of attractive values - pro-Western thinking a democracy - which should have attracted Western support. To a lower extent, foreign policy and culture were also used as sources of soft power. Georgia's hard power consisted of security importance and economic and political value of the country. In case of Russia, Georgia used only tools of hard power which included harsh rhetoric...

This thesis investigates the formation of power structures in a revolutionary setting. It takes as a case study the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk, in which a powerful Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged during the period March-October 1917. The Krasnoiarsk Soviet was an elective council established during the overthrow of Tsarist authorities. Throughout 1917, it became a vital component of an emerging local and regional power structure, assuming growing responsibility for a number of core state tasks. As well as providing a new empirical case study to English-language literature on 1917, the thesis employs a nuanced analytical approach which challenges existing conceptualisations of state power in revolution and the role played by local soviets. State power in revolutionary Russia has often been viewed as something to be contested between different political groupings and organisations seeking to assert their own outright control. This view is captured neatly by the formulation of “dual power”, in which soviets and Provisional Government organisations constructed alternative power bases in an attempt to wield outright control. Accordingly, the soviets’ growing political strength indicated an ability to marginalise other groups and organisations seeking to wield power. By contrast, this thesis does not seek to explain how power in revolutionary Krasnoiarsk was “captured” or otherwise controlled by the Soviet alone. Instead, it applies a critical interpretation of state power proposed by Bob Jessop and other theorists, who view the state as a site of interaction and negotiation between multiple autonomous organisations and social actors, all of which have a stake in the way it operates in practice. It focuses on the emergence of a “soviet power” writ small, in which the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became an authoritative organisation within a broader constellation of revolutionary actors. Without denying the Soviet’s centrality within this power structure, the thesis does not explain its role simply as the monopolisation of authority over other would-be contenders. Rather, it sees the Soviet’s importance in its ability to establish itself as a focal point for interactions between multiple actors which, collectively, shaped state power at a local and regional level. It considers how the forms and practices of revolutionary power developed through these interactions and how these interactions in turn transformed the roles of actors and organisations engaging them. In order to unpick the complex and dynamic processes of revolutionary power, the thesis employs three core methodological concepts: institutions, mobilisation, and ideology. It makes several important and original arguments. Firstly, it emphasises the autonomy of social actors which supported the Soviet and engaged in its politics, demonstrating the extent to which they were able to shape its political functions and structures according to their own concerns. Secondly, it reveals the importance of skilled administrative personnel to Soviet work, highlighting the invaluable practical roles they played in the regulation of provisions and their ability to influence Soviet policy measures on this issue. Thirdly, it demonstrates the close cooperation between the Soviet and other local governmental and administrative bodies, including the city Duma and provisions regulatory organisations, which remained vital to fulfilling state functions throughout 1917. Finally, it discusses how the Soviet and socialist activists challenged established power relationships between Krasnoiarsk, as a locality, and all-Russian state authorities, revealing the growing importance they attached to securing greater local autonomy in revolution and the changing ways local actors viewed their role in wider all-Russian politics.

This thesis can be divided into five main parts. The first part deals with theoretical analysis of power flow calculation in power network during steady state condition. Load flow calculation is presented here as a linear and nonlinear problem. Newton iteration method is proposed for solving power flow as nonlinear problem. The second part of this thesis deals with the analysis of short-circuit calculation in accordance with valid International Standard IEC 60909. The equivalent voltage source method is adopted in case of the short-circuit calculation. For the calculation of unbalanced short-circuit currents, the symmetrical components method is also presented. The last three parts of this paper are focused on calculations of power flow and short-circuit conditions in power grid Sokolnice. So in the third part is the description of nodal area Sokolnice with its substations and the calculation of load flow and short-circuit conditions for two different power supply options. For each supply option is also considered an abnormal (fault) grid condition. (overall there are solved four different options) The fourth part of this thesis deals with the result analysis and also the results of different power supply options are compared. In the last part there are presented necessary technical improvements for fault-free operation of power grid Sokolnice based on the result of power flow and short-circuit conditions in that grid.

The aim of the thesis is the complex analysis procedures with citizens. The development project aimed at improving these procedures. The object of the thesis – procedure of work with citizens ' appeals. The subject of the thesis – the process of working with citizens. The goal of the study is achieved by solving basic research problems: 1. To define the concept and types of citizens ' appeals to public authorities. 2. To consider the forms of work with citizens ' appeals. 3. To study the organization of work with citizens in state bodies. 4. To analyze the organization of work with citizens in the Ministry of social policy of Sverdlovsk region. 5. To identify possible causes of repeated applications of citizens received by the Ministry of social policy of Sverdlovsk region, and disadvantages when working with citizens. 6. To develop a draft Model provisions for conducting scheduled and unscheduled inspections of completeness and quality of consideration of citizens. The novelty of the research results Is the development of Model provisions for conducting scheduled and unscheduled inspections of completeness and quality of consideration of references of citizens with regard to the indicators for assessment of the completeness and quality of consideration of citizens. The present study used General scientific methods such as analysis, comparison, analysis of documents, analysis of statistics. The practical significance of the work is determined by the presence of recommendations that can be used to improve the work with citizens in state bodies. The study used the following sources: departmental statistics, normative documents adopted at the Federal and regional level, and departmental legal acts of the Ministry of social policy of Sverdlovsk region. In the process of writing a master's thesis published three articles with a total volume of 0.8/0.5 printer's sheets: The effective organization of electronic document turnover in state bodies // Materials of all-Russian scientific-practical conference: "Regional governance: models, technologies, communication." – Ekaterinburg – Pp. 93-96. – 0,4/0,2 p. L. Stolyarova, V. N., Ufimtsev V. V. Electronic document management in the activity of bodies of state and municipal organizations // History of science and technology and University education. The collection of materials of scientific-practical conference of postgraduates, graduates and students. Ekaterinburg – Moscow. Ural Federal University, UMC-UPI. 2014. S. 129-132. - 0,2/0,1. Stolyarova, V. N., Zaitseva E. V. Analysis of work procedures with citizens as a form of protection of their rights // the Ural industrial: Bakuninskaya reading: Industrial modernization: Materials of the XII all-Russian scientific conference of the Urals in XVIII – XXI century (Moscow, 4-5 December 2014) In 2 volumes Volume 2. 2014. P. 294-298. – 0,3 / 0,2. Stolyarova, V. N., Zaitseva E. V. / Цель диссертационной работы – комплексный анализ процедур работы с обращениями граждан. Разработка проекта, направленного на совершенствование этих процедур. Объект диссертационной работы – процедуры работы с обращениями граждан. Предмет диссертационной работы – процесс работы с обращениями граждан. Поставленная цель исследования достигается путем решения основных исследовательских задач: 1. Определить понятие и виды обращений граждан в органы государственной власти. 2. Рассмотреть формы работы с обращениями граждан. 3. Изучить организацию работы с обращениями граждан в государственных органах власти. 4. Проанализировать организацию работы с обращениями граждан в Министерстве социальной политики Свердловской области. 5. Выявить возможные причины повторных обращений граждан поступивших в адрес Министерства социальной политики Свердловской области, и недостатки при работе с обращениями граждан. 6. Разработать проект Типового положения о проведении плановых и внеплановых проверок полноты и качества рассмотрения обращений граждан. Новизна результатов исследования Заключается в разработке Типового положения о проведении плановых и внеплановых проверок полноты и качества рассмотрения обращений граждан с учетом показателей для оценки состояния полноты и качества рассмотрения обращений граждан. В настоящем исследовании были применены общенаучные методы, такие как анализ, сравнение, анализ документов, анализ статистики. Практическая значимость работы определяется наличием в ней рекомендаций, которые могут быть использованы для совершенствования работы с обращениями граждан в государственных органах власти. В ходе исследования использованы следующие источники: ведомственная статистика, нормативные документы, принятые на федеральном и областном уровне, а также ведомственные правовые акты Министерства социальной политики Свердловской области. В процессе написания магистерской диссертации опубликованы три статьи общим объемом 0,8/0,5 п. л.: Проблемы организации эффективного электронного документооборота в органах власти // Материалы Всероссийской научно-практической конференции: «Региональное управление: модели, технологии, коммуникации». – Екатеринбург – С. 93-96. – 0,4/0,2 п. л. Столярова В. Н., Уфимцев В. В. Электронный документооборот в деятельности органов государственных и муниципальных организаций // История науки и техники и университетское образование. Сборник материалов научно-практической конференции аспирантов, магистрантов и студентов. Екатеринбург – Москва. УрФУ, УМЦ-УПИ. 2014. С. 129-132. - 0,2/0,1. Столярова В. Н., Зайцева Е. В. Анализ процедур работы с обращениями граждан как одной из форм защиты их прав // Урал индустриальный: Бакунинские чтения: Индустриальная модернизация: Материалы XII всероссийской научной конференции Урала в XVIII – XXI в. (Екатеринбург, 4-5 декабря 2014 г.) В 2 т. Том 2. 2014. С. 294-298. – 0,3 / 0,2. Столярова В. Н., Зайцева Е. В.