Šiame darbe nagrinėjama valstybės kaip civilinio delikto subjekto problema Lietuvos teisiniuose santykiuose. Siekiama atskleisti, kad tik valstybėje, besivadovaujančioje teisės viršenybės ir kitais teisės principais, gali tinkamai veikti valstybės atsakomybės piliečiams mechanizmas. Ir tik valstybė atsakinga savo piliečiams gali vadintis teisine. Darbe pateikiama užsienio šalių ir Europos sąjungos teisės teorija ir teisminė praktika valstybės deliktinės atsakomybės srityje, siekiant atskleisti valstybės imuniteto nuo civilinės atsakomybės savo piliečiams sampratos įtakos mažėjimo tendencijas. Darbo tema pagal sudėtingumą ir klausimų problematiškumą padalinta į dvi dalis. Pirmiausia analizuojama valstybės atsakomybė už administracinių ir teisėsaugos institucijų neteisėtais veiksmais padarytą žalą, nagrinėjami teisės aktai, reglamentuojantys šiuos santykius, nustatomi šios atsakomybės atsiradimo pagrindai, atskleidžiamos praktinės problemos, neleidžiančios tinkamai veikti valstybės atsakomybės už šių institucijų padarytą žalą mechanizmui. Vėliau nagrinėjama daug aktualesnė ir daugiau problematikos turinti temos dalis – valstybės atsakomybė už įstatymo leidėjo neteisėtais veiksmais padarytą žalą. Čia aptariamas teisinis reglamentavimas ir nustatoma, kad tiek Konstitucija, tiek ir kiti įstatymai Lietuvos valstybę laiko lygiaverčiu teisinės atsakomybės subjektu. Darbe smulkiai analizuojama Lietuvos teisminė praktika valstybės atsakomybės klausimu, atskleidžiamos teisės praktikų... [to full text] / The topic of this work deals with the problem of a state as the subject of civil tort in legal relations of Lithuania. The main goal is focused on disclosure of the fact that the mechanism of national liability to its citizens is able to function properly only in a State which is following supremacy of the law and other legal principles. Only the State which is liable to its citizens may refer to itself as Legal State.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State practice and literature suggest that devolution of power can address the main challenges of underdevelopment, internal conflict and abuse of centralised power in developing states. However, this thesis advances the argument that the design features of devolved government for these purposes are not always compatible. Accordingly, while there are complementary and neutral design features in the three designs, trade-offs have to be made between the unique design features in order to ensure the effective pursuit of the three purposes through a single system of devolved government. Kenya, the case study for this inquiry, confirms the international trend as its major challenges over the last 50 years have been underdevelopment, internal conflict and abuse of central power. As such, development, ethnic harmony, and the limiting of central power featured prominently throughout the entire constitutional review process as purposes to be pursued by means of devolution of power. To this end, the devolution of state power is one of the central elements of the current constitutional dispensation in Kenya. There are trade-offs made in Kenya‟s devolution design in order to accommodate the three purposes of devolution. However, the overall result has been that the emphasis falls on development at the expense of conflict resolution and limiting central power. Nevertheless, regardless of the trade-offs and nature of the final design, the design‟s effectiveness or lack thereof may depend very much on factors external to the design. Lack of political will to make devolution work can negate the effectiveness of even the most perfect design; by same token, political will could make an apparently bad design effective. In practice, therefore, effectiveness depends on an array of other context-specific factors. / South Africa

The electric vertical take-off and landing (EVTOL) platform is opening a new market segment that is disrupting the commercial and military aircraft industry. This particular vehicle platform is filling the gap between road vehicles and aircrafts. The main idea is to avoid the gridlock in major metropolitan cities where a journey that should take 30 minutes now takes more than one hour. Key enablers such as the newly developed infrastructures known as Vertiports and the move of electrification of aircrafts have driven this new market segment with fast time to market. To enable the deployment of these EVTOLs in the commercial world, their fault behavior needs to be known as faults will happen, a fault mitigation strategy must be developed to ensure that when the fault happens, the EVTOL and its passengers along with its surrounding are protected from catastrophic failures. To give a brief context on what these EVTOL platforms are, potential and developed EVTOLs in the market currently are introduced. The categorization of these platforms is done within four types of categories being Helicopters, Multi-Rotor, Lift & Thrust and Tilt-X. Their general advantages and disadvantages are discussed and the categories are rated in terms of which platform could be the most viable option to be in service by 2024. Their main electrical distribution system is introduced with their critical components and how they can fail. Each critical component such as the battery, electrical propulsion unit (EPU), protection devices, power distribution units and auxiliary electrical loads are discussed in details. The thesis discusses one of the main safety aspects of an EVTOL, which is protection of a propulsion unit. The critical electrical faults in the EPU are introduced along with their behavior on the EVTOL electrical distribution system (EDS). Open circuit faults and short circuit faults from the inverter and its power devices to the electric motor are analyzed. Furthermore, the sensor failures such as the rotor position sensor and the current and voltage sensors are discussed. The controller stage failures are discussed as well as it becomes a critical component that can fail in many ways. Once the electrical faults are discussed, a fault mitigation strategy (FMS) is introduced for each fault ranging from a simple inverter disabling strategy, to a sensorless control law for the loss of position sensor. A protection device known as the solid state power controller (SSPC) is inserted at the input of the EPU and its design is discussed for a 270VDC/180A modular architecture. This SSPC becomes the redundant and final protection stage of the EPU to ensure if the developed FMS fail to protect the EPU, the SSPC can isolate the EPU from the rest of the EVTOL EDS. The main contribution of the thesis is the systematic approach to fault analysis and mitigation/protection strategies that were not addressed in literature so far for this type of platform. The use of a single FMS for multiple faults is introduced where the aim is to reduce the efforts for verification and validation (V&V) of the corresponding software and firmware. Finally, the practical implementation challenges of the SSPC are discussed and shown in experimental lab setups. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

With the increasing demand for clean and renewable energy, new distribution network concepts, such as DC microgrids and distributed power generation networks, are being developed. One key component of such networks is the grid-interfacing DC-DC power converter that can transfer power bi-directionally while having a wide range of voltage step-up and step-down capabilities. Also, with the proliferated demand for electric vehicle chargers, battery energy storage systems, and solid-state transformers (SST), the bi-directional high-power DC-DC converter plays a more significant role in the renewable energy industry. To satisfy the requirements of the high-power bi-directional wide-range DC-DC converter, different topologies have been compared in this thesis, and the four-switch buck-boost (FSBB) converter topology has been selected as the candidate. This work investigates the operation principle of the FSBB converter, and a digital real-time low-loss quadrangle current mode(QCM) control implementation, which satisfies the zero-voltage-switching (ZVS) requirements, is proposed. With the QCM control method, the FSBB converter efficiency can be further increased by reducing the inductor RMS current and device switching loss compared to traditional continuous current mode(CCM) control and discontinuous current mode(DCM) control. Although the small signal model has been derived for FSBB under CCM control, the small ripple approximation that was previously used in the CCM model no longer applies in the QCM model and causing the model to be different. To aid the control system compensator design, QCM small signal model is desired. In this thesis, a small signal model for FSBB under QCM control is proposed. A 50 kW silicon carbide (SiC) based grid-interfacing converter prototype was constructed to verify the QCM control implementation and small signal model of the FSBB converter. For driving the 1.2kV SiC modules, an enhanced gate driver with fiber optic (FO) based digital communication capability was designed. Digital on-state and off-state drain-source voltage sensors and Rogowski coil-based current sensors are embedded in the gate driver to minimize the requirement for external sensors, thus increasing the power density of the converter unit. Also, Rogowski-coil-based current protection and drain-source voltage-based current protection is embedded in the gate driver to prevent SiC switching device from damage. / Master of Science / The renewable energy sector is driving the development of new distribution networks, such as DC microgrids and distributed power generation networks. One crucial component of these networks is the grid-interfacing DC-DC power converter, which can transfer power in both directions while maintaining a wide voltage range. This study evaluates various topologies and selects the four-switch buck-boost (FSBB) converter topology to meet the demands of high-power, bi-directional, and wide-range DC-DC converters. This work analyzed the operation of the FSBB converter and proposed a novel simplified quadrangle current mode (QCM) control implementation. With the QCM control method, the FSBB converter efficiency can be further improved by reducing losses compared to conventional control methods. This study also provides a small signal model, which can be used to aid the control loop compensator design where application of FSBB converter is required. A 50 kW silicon carbide (SiC) based grid-interfacing converter prototype, which was constructed to validate the proposed QCM control implementation and small signal model of the FSBB converter. As part of the converter unit,the enhanced gate driver design and implementation is presented in this thesis. This gate driver is designed with fiber optic-based digital communication, drives the wide bandgap SiC modules. The gate driver also features embedded digital on-state and off-state drain-source voltage sensors and non-intrusive current sensors to minimize external sensor requirements, thereby increasing the power density of the converter unit. The gate driver also incorporates high bandwidth current protection and drain-source voltage-based current protection to protect the SiC switching device from damage.

This thesis defines courts as pure public goods. It deals with the inclusion of the courts of the state powers, deals with the courts in terms of performance of the state administration. It draws attention to the problem of the system of courts, which doesn't correspond in terms of the territoral aspect with distribution of land in the Czech Republic and also connects on this research transport service courts. Then examines the issue of provision of services and satisfaction of the courts of such services.

The development of millimeter-wave (30-300 GHz) sensors and communications systems has a long history of interest, spanning back almost six decades. In particular, mm-wave radars have applications as automotive radars, in remote atmospheric sensing applications, as landing radars for air and spacecraft, and for high precision imaging applications. Mm-wave radar systems have high angular accuracy and range resolution, and, while susceptible to atmospheric attenuation, are less susceptible to optically opaque conditions, such as smoke or dust. This dissertation document will present the initial steps towards a new approach to the creation of a mm-wave radar system at 94 GHz. Specifically, this dissertation presents the design, fabrication and testing of various components of a highly integrated mm-wave a 94 Ghz monopulse radar transmitter/receiver. Several architectural approaches are considered, including passive and active implementations of RF monopulse comparator networks. These architectures are enabled by a high-performance three-dimensional rectangular coaxial microwave transmission line technology known as PolyStrataTM as well as silicon-based IC technologies. A number of specific components are examined in detail, including: a 2x2 PolyStrata antenna array, a passive monopulse comparator network, a 94 GHz SiGe two-port active comparator MMIC, a 24 GHz RF-CMOS 4-port active monopulse comparator IC, and a series of V- and W-band corporate combining structures for use in transmitter power combining applications. The 94 GHz cavity-backed antennas based on a rectangular coaxial feeding network have been designed, fabricated, and tested. 13 dB gain for a 2 x 2 array, as well as antenna patterns are reported. In an effort to facilitate high-accuracy measurement of the antenna array, an E-probe transition to waveguide and PolyStrata diode detectors were also designed and fabricated. AW-band rectangular coaxial passive monopulse comparator with integrated antenna array and diode detectors have also been presented. Measured monopulse nulls of 31.4 dB in the ΔAZ plane have been demonstrated. 94-GHz SiGe active monopulse comparator IC and 24 GHz RF-CMOS active monopulse comparator RFIC designs are presented, including detailed simulations of monopulse nulls and performance over frequency. Simulations of the W-band SiGe active monopulse comparator IC indicate potential for wideband operation, with 30 dB monopulse nulls from 75-105 GHz. For the 24-GHz active monopulse comparator IC, simulated monopulse nulls of 71 dB and 68 dB were reported for the azimuthal and elevational sweeps. Measurements of these ICs were unsuccessful due to layout errors and incomplete accounting for parasitics. Simulated results from a series of rectangular coaxial power corporate power combining structures have been presented, and their relative merits discussed. These designs include 2-1 and 4-1 reactive, Wilkinson, and Gysel combiners at V- and W-band. Measured back-to-back results from Gysel combiners at 60 GHz included insertion loss of 0.13 dB per division for a 2-1 combination, and an insertion loss of 0.3 dB and 0.14 dB for "planar" and "direct" 4-1 combinations, respectively. At 94 GHz, a measured insertion loss of 0.1 dB per division has been presented for a 2-1 Gysel combination, using a back-to-back structure. Preliminary designs for a solid-state power amplifier (SSPA) structure have also been presented. Finally, two conceptual monopulse transceivers will be presented, as a vehicle for integrating the various components demonstrated in this dissertation. / Ph. D.

This thesis explores the normative propriety of immigration detention in liberal states. In the first part of the thesis, I explore the development, current practice, and popular justifications for immigration detention in the United Kingdom. I argue that a crucial but unacknowledged role for immigration detention is to function as a political spectacle of the centralisation of power in liberal states. I find that the key motivation for detaining non-citizens is that they could abscond before their removals. I conclude that this basis for detention is normatively acceptable in only very limited cases and, even then, alternatives are often available and ethically preferable. Based on the fact that there is a normatively acceptable rationale, albeit circumscribed, for detention practices, I then propose a framework of minimum standards of treatment in detention that I advise all liberal states to follow. After outlining my proposal, I turn in the second part of the thesis to an examination of the normative theories of immigration control and how they take account of detention. Normative theorists differ in how they balance their commitments to individual and state rights, yet I find the majority concedes the need for some degree of immigration admissions control. Such theories face a moral dilemma: there can be no immigration control without detention, and so detention becomes an implicit assumption for these normative theories to be coherent. A potential solution for combating the practical problems associated with the growing, worsening detention estates as well as the moral dilemma of incarcerating a non-citizen based on fear of absconding would be to open borders and eliminate immigration control. Given the reality of the sovereign right to control immigration, however, I argue that the more feasible normative answer is lobby liberal states to adopt my framework of minimum standards of treatment while simultaneously pressing for open borders as the long-term ethical goal.

Cette étude est liée à l’Etat libyen qui a témoigné d’une faiblesse et d’une instabilité depuis l’Empire ottoman jusqu’à la chute de Kadhafi, ce qui a entravé tout effort de réforme administrative qui aurait pu être entreprise pour confirmer le concept d’Etat, lequel a toujours connu des difficultés voire une véritable absence. Le pays vit sans Etat depuis la chute de Kadhafi en 2011, bien que la période transitoire soit passée par plusieurs étapes comme l’instauration d’une nouvelle Constitution et des élections en vue de mettre en place les institutions importantes. La thèse expose en outre les différents changements et modifications qu’a connus l’administration, en analysant leurs objectifs et leurs impacts. Les objectifs de l’administration doivent aller dans le sens de ceux de l’Etat et des besoins de la société en général et du citoyen en particulier.La nécessité d'un système de gestion efficace dans l'Etat a entraîné des changements considérables aux plans politique, administratif et social. Parmi les préoccupations inscrites à l'agenda politique depuis la chute du régime de Kadhafi figurent les réformes institutionnelles. Cela s'explique par la nature profondément dégradée qui a caractérisé et caractérise encore les rapports entre l'État et la société libyenne, cette situation résultant, dans la majorité des cas, de la faiblesse des appareils étatiques et des carences d'organisation et d'encadrement qui ont suivi. Il convient cependant de préciser que l'administration publique n'est qu'une sphère de l'État, elle ne saurait donc représenter que l'État administratif. Ainsi, elle doit agir en étroite collaboration avec l'État politique et les instances sociales. Pour ce faire, s'imposent à la fois un enracinement de l'institution dans ses valeurs traditionnelles et son ouverture à la nouvelle gestion publique.Mots-clé : l’Etat, l’administration, les réformes administratives, la centralisation, la décentralisation, l’organisation, la sociologie, la fonction publique, le service public, la société, le pouvoir étatique. / This study is related to the Libyan state who testified of weakness and instability since the Ottoman Empire until the fall of Gaddafi, which hindered any administrative reform effort that could have been undertaken to confirm the concept of state, which has always struggled even a real absence. The country lives without state since Gaddafi's fall in 2011, although the transitional period has passed through several stages such as the introduction of a new Constitution and elections to put in place the important institutions. The thesis also exposes the various changes and modifications that have occurred administering, analyzing their objectives and impacts. The objectives of the administration should be in line with those of the state and the needs of society in general and in particular citizens.The need for an effective management system in the state has resulted in considerable changes in political, administrative and social levels. Among the concerns listed on the political agenda since the fall of Gaddafi’s regime are the institutional reforms. This reflects the deeply degraded nature that has characterized and still characterizes the relationship between the State and the Libyan society, this situation resulting, in most cases, the weak state apparatus and organizational deficiencies and supervision that followed. It should however be clarified that the public administration is a sphere of the state, it cannot therefore represent only the administrative state. Thus, it must act in close cooperation with the political state and social bodies. For this, necessary both an entrenchment of the institution in its traditional values and openness to new public management.Keywords: State, administration, administrative reforms, centralization, decentralization, organization, sociology, public service, society, state power.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho