A presente Tese oferece uma proposta teórico-metodológica para o estudo da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira e seus desdobramentos posteriores, baseada num esquema conceitual de onde derivam três categorias de análise - a de Esfera Pública, a de Fundo Público e a de Padrão de Financiamento Público - referidas aos determinantes sociais, econômicos e políticos que, interativamente, afetam as políticas sociais. Tem origem na constatação de que a VIII Conferência Nacional de Saúde propõe, e a Constituição de 1988 consagra, um conceito eminentemente político de Saúde, pelo qual todas as ações de Saúde são consideradas \"públicas\", por sua relevância social e sua participação no interesse geral, regidas por uma normatividade socialmente definida e sujeitas ao controle social institucionalizado. Desse modo, tornando a Saúde Pública o âmbito interinstitucional, multidisciplinar e popular das discussões e decisões sobre os processos saúde/doença da população - o que significa a definição de um mais amplo espaço para a Saúde Pública no interior da Esfera Pública. A aceitação generalizada das propostas da Reforma Sanitária, no período pré-Constituinte e na Constituinte, liga-se ao contexto da transição para a democracia, quando era reconhecida a falência do Padrão de Financiamento das políticas sociais adotado no regime militar, abrindo-se então espaço para proposições que visavam a um Padrão de Financiamento mais próximo do adotado na social-democracia. Entretanto, o redirecionamento do Fundo Público, pressuposto principal de viabilidade das atividades sociais e, principalmente, das mudanças constitucionais aprovadas, tem encontrado resistências e apresentado recuos, que não apenas recuperam os mecanismos viciados e distorcidos de financiamento, como têm desfigurado o modelo de Sistema único de Saúde proposto na Reforma Sanitária, tornando-o numa espécie de caricatura perversa. / The present Thesis offers a theoretical-methodological proposition for the study of the Brazilian Health Care Reform and its later developments. It is based upon a conceptual scheme from which three categories of analyses derive - that of the Public Sphere of Ation, that of Public Fund and that of Public Financing Pattern- referred to the social, economic ando political determinants, which interactively affect the social politics. It comes from the verification that the National Health Conference proposes, and the 1988 Constitution establishes, an eminently political concept of Public Health. By this political concept all health actions are considered \"public\", in way of their social relevance and their participation in the general interest. And so, they must be ruled by a socially defined \"normativeness\", and subject to the institutionalized social control. So turning Public Health into the interinstitucional, multidiscipline and popular ambit of discussions and decisions about health/illness pqpulations processes. And it means the definition of a wider space for Public Health into Public Sphere. The generalized acceptance of the Health Care Reform propositions in the period prior of the Constituent Assembly performance, and in the working period of the Constituent Assembly, is connected to the context of the transition to democracy. In this context the failure of the Public Financing Pattern of social politics adopted in the military regime was recognized. Then a space for propositions that aimed at a Financing Pattern closer to the used in the social-democracy was opening. And so the Public Fund - the main pressuposition of feasibility of the social activities, and especially of the approved constitutional changes, must be directed to the popular interest. However this redirecting of Public Fund has found resistences and presented setbacks, which not only recover the vitiated and distorted financing mechanisms, but have also disfigured the model of the Single Health System proposed in the Health Care Reform, turning it into a kind of perverse caricature.

A presente Tese oferece uma proposta teórico-metodológica para o estudo da Reforma Sanitária Brasileira e seus desdobramentos posteriores, baseada num esquema conceitual de onde derivam três categorias de análise - a de Esfera Pública, a de Fundo Público e a de Padrão de Financiamento Público - referidas aos determinantes sociais, econômicos e políticos que, interativamente, afetam as políticas sociais. Tem origem na constatação de que a VIII Conferência Nacional de Saúde propõe, e a Constituição de 1988 consagra, um conceito eminentemente político de Saúde, pelo qual todas as ações de Saúde são consideradas \"públicas\", por sua relevância social e sua participação no interesse geral, regidas por uma normatividade socialmente definida e sujeitas ao controle social institucionalizado. Desse modo, tornando a Saúde Pública o âmbito interinstitucional, multidisciplinar e popular das discussões e decisões sobre os processos saúde/doença da população - o que significa a definição de um mais amplo espaço para a Saúde Pública no interior da Esfera Pública. A aceitação generalizada das propostas da Reforma Sanitária, no período pré-Constituinte e na Constituinte, liga-se ao contexto da transição para a democracia, quando era reconhecida a falência do Padrão de Financiamento das políticas sociais adotado no regime militar, abrindo-se então espaço para proposições que visavam a um Padrão de Financiamento mais próximo do adotado na social-democracia. Entretanto, o redirecionamento do Fundo Público, pressuposto principal de viabilidade das atividades sociais e, principalmente, das mudanças constitucionais aprovadas, tem encontrado resistências e apresentado recuos, que não apenas recuperam os mecanismos viciados e distorcidos de financiamento, como têm desfigurado o modelo de Sistema único de Saúde proposto na Reforma Sanitária, tornando-o numa espécie de caricatura perversa. / The present Thesis offers a theoretical-methodological proposition for the study of the Brazilian Health Care Reform and its later developments. It is based upon a conceptual scheme from which three categories of analyses derive - that of the Public Sphere of Ation, that of Public Fund and that of Public Financing Pattern- referred to the social, economic ando political determinants, which interactively affect the social politics. It comes from the verification that the National Health Conference proposes, and the 1988 Constitution establishes, an eminently political concept of Public Health. By this political concept all health actions are considered \"public\", in way of their social relevance and their participation in the general interest. And so, they must be ruled by a socially defined \"normativeness\", and subject to the institutionalized social control. So turning Public Health into the interinstitucional, multidiscipline and popular ambit of discussions and decisions about health/illness pqpulations processes. And it means the definition of a wider space for Public Health into Public Sphere. The generalized acceptance of the Health Care Reform propositions in the period prior of the Constituent Assembly performance, and in the working period of the Constituent Assembly, is connected to the context of the transition to democracy. In this context the failure of the Public Financing Pattern of social politics adopted in the military regime was recognized. Then a space for propositions that aimed at a Financing Pattern closer to the used in the social-democracy was opening. And so the Public Fund - the main pressuposition of feasibility of the social activities, and especially of the approved constitutional changes, must be directed to the popular interest. However this redirecting of Public Fund has found resistences and presented setbacks, which not only recover the vitiated and distorted financing mechanisms, but have also disfigured the model of the Single Health System proposed in the Health Care Reform, turning it into a kind of perverse caricature.

This thesis undertakes a study of the modern state in India in the context of counterinsurgency. Through a combination of ethnographic and historical methods, it explores the processes and practices of state formation and legitimacy-building in an erstwhile Maoist guerrilla zone of the eastern Indian state of West Bengal. The colonial and postcolonial histories of this forested region, known popularly as the Jungle Mahals, are punctuated by moments of violent conflict and regime-change. These moments of rupture have tended to periodically reorder the relationships between the modern state and its ordinary subjects. Accordingly, the thesis reconstructs a trajectory of state-society relations in the Jungle Mahals from the early colonial era, when East India Company officials created a modern state apparatus to deal with rural rebellions, to the present, when the Indian government has pursued a 'development' agenda to wean ordinary people away from Maoist rebels. I show that periods of insurgency and counterinsurgency ought to be recognised as critical junctures in the history of the modern state in frontier regions such as the Jungle Mahals. The modern state is made and remade in the course of counterinsurgency as both state and rural society are reordered in tandem from above and below. Hence, I make a case for studying the state, understood as both an idea and a set of material practices, from 'within', that is, as emerging through the mediation of actors who represent the state and ordinary villagers in my fieldsites. Furthermore, through an exploration of ordinary villagers' responses to counterinsurgency in the Jungle Mahals, this thesis argues that popular responses to counterinsurgency cannot be explained through the binaries of resistance and complicity. In other words, it is necessary to examine the complex textures of people's lives and subjectivities vis-à-vis the state during and after counterinsurgencies in order to appreciate how statemaking in such circumstances, far from being a top-down imposition on hapless subjects, emerges from below as well.

No / During the last two decades the judiciary has come to play an increasingly important political role in Latin America. Constitutional courts and supreme courts are more active in counterbalancing executive and legislative power than ever before. At the same time, the lack of effective citizenship rights has prompted ordinary people to press their claims and secure their rights through the courts. This collection of essays analyzes the diverse manifestations of the judicialization of politics in contemporary Latin America, assessing their positive and negative consequences for state-society relations, the rule of law, and democratic governance in the region. With individual chapters exploring Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, it advances a comparative framework for thinking about the nature of the judicialization of politics within contemporary Latin American democracies.

The border between Russia and Estonia has undergone significant changes in the past two and a half decades from a border between two Soviet republics to an international border and external EU border. In the public discourse and the scholarly literature, this border has been characterised as a battlefield shaped by divergent geopolitical visions and evaluations of the shared past. While Estonia has sought to distance itself from Russia and condemns the Soviet past as an occupation, Russia derives pride from its historical role in liberating Europe in World War II and continues to hold on to positive memories of the Soviet past and its role in the Baltic states. The thesis looks at how these official narratives have been negotiated locally in the once united border towns of Narva and Ivangorod in the Russian-Estonian borderland. Based on an extended fieldwork stay and the analysis 58 life-story interviews with people living on both sides of the border, it examines how people living in the borderland position themselves in the context of shifting narrative and structural frameworks. How do they re-evaluate the relations to the other side and reconsider their memories of the shared past? In examining these questions, the thesis seeks to make two general contributions to existing literature: it brings together the fields of border studies and memory studies to explore the reconfiguration of both temporal and spatial orderings in the making of a border. Secondly, it outlines a model for studying border change that focuses on the interrelations between the vernacular and the official level. The first part of the thesis looks at the politics of temporal orderings in the borderland and explores how people belonging to different ethnic groups and generations remember the past in the context of changing borders. It shows how people in part reproduce the polarised narratives mobilised at the official level but also how local experiences and generational change lead to a diversification of temporal orderings. The second part of the thesis explores the politics of spatial orderings in post-socialist memories. It looks at how by remembering the past people both reproduce and undermine borders; it demonstrates that it is not simply the memories of a shared past but also new inequalities following the establishment of the border that shape the ways in which people relate to their cross-border neighbours. Overall, the thesis provides a complex and differentiated account of border change in which different temporalities and spatialities at the vernacular and official levels can interact, interrelate and stand in opposition to each other. It shows that although people living in the borderland experience constraints and even powerlessness in the face of changes in the border, they have an active role in negotiating the changes and develop multiple responses to official narratives. It demonstrates how by appropriating official narratives and relating them to their own purposes, people articulate local concerns and make claims for belonging, recognition and state care in the face of the changes.

- / Inspired by Douglass North’s work on the role of institutions in economic structure and change and in particular the role of state institutions, this thesis attempts to explore the process of economic transformation through analyzing state-business community relations in the city of Kunshan, Jiangsu, China. The author uses primary data from Kunshan to demonstrate how the open-door policy of China has led to changes in the institutional environment parallel to the economic transformation. Kunshan’s institutional development is analyzed in terms of two factors. First is ‘autonomy’ as in the ability and capacity of the local state to define and pursue its own development strategy. Second is ‘embeddedness’ as in the local state developing a regular relationship with economic elites that share its goals of economic transformation. These two are seen as complementary necessities for economic transformation. This thesis shows how the local state in Kunshan has strengthened both its capacity and integrity to pursue economic transformation and the actual pursuit of it through closer and more institutionalized relations with the business community.

How do authoritarian stales foster civil society growth while keeping unruly organizations in line? This governance dilemma dogs every state that attempts to modernize by permitting civil society to pluralize while minding its potential to stir up restive social forces. This dissertation's main finding is that the Chinese party state the world's largest and arguably the most resilient authoritarian regime-has engineered a flexible institution of state control in which the "rules of the game" arc created, disseminated, and enforced outside of institutionalized channels. This dissertation demonstrates how the coercive apparatus improvises in an erratic manner, unfettered by accountability mechanisms. The regime does not necessarily pull the levers of hard control mechanisms-the tanks, guns, and tear gas-whenever dissenters cross a line of political acceptability. Instead, in keeping with its decentralized political system and its tradition of experimental policy-making, the Chinese state continually remakes the rules of the game which keeps potential rabble-rousers on their toes. Although the regulatory skeleton of state corporatism remains intact, flexible repression is the informal institution-the set of rules and procedures-that structures state-civil society interactions. Specifically, this institution is made up of three key practices: a) decentralization b) ad-hoc deployment c) mixed control strategies. These three practices manifest in two concrete strategies used to govern aboveground and underground civil society: fragmented coercion and controlled competition. Flexible repression enables the Chinese party-state to exploit the advantages of a flourishing third sector while curtailing its threatening potential. Through participant observation, interviews, and comparative case studies of aboveground and underground independent labor organizations, this dissertation accomplishes three goals. First, it identifies the within-country variation in state control strategies over civil society, which includes the above-ground sector as well as the underground sector of ostensibly banned organizations. Secondly, it traces the patterns of interactions between the state and civil society, generating hypotheses about the mechanisms of change. Finally, it identifies new concepts relevant for studying organized contention in authoritarian regime.. .... Overall, this dissertation contributes to the study of authoritarian state control and civil society contention, with an emphasis on the nexus between the two.

This thesis explores the emergence and proliferation of public consultative bodies (PCBs) in contemporary Russia. Created by the government and regulated by law, PCBs are formal groups of NGO leaders, academics, journalists, entrepreneurs and public figures selected by the state, that perform advisory, monitory and support functions to government departments and individuals at federal, regional and municipal levels. The concept of obshchestvennyi kontrol’ (public scrutiny) is employed by Kremlin to refer to the dual activities of oversight and assistance, which PCBs are intended to enact. First appearing ten years ago with the foundation of the Federal Public Chamber in 2004, there are now tens of thousands of PCBs in operation across the country. This thesis constitutes the first systematic analysis of PCBs in English. It uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach in order to explore the extent to which the portrayal of PCBs in government discourse corresponds to the practices enacted through these institutions in three regional case studies of Moscow, St Petersburg and Samara. It finds that although PCBs are presented by federal and regional leaders as means for citizens merely to assist the authorities in the performance of tasks decided by the state, in practice PCBs can enable citizens modestly to influence policy outcomes and occasionally to shape public agendas. They therefore cannot be dismissed as mere ‘window dressing’ for the authorities. The thesis shows that PCBs were created as part of the market reform of the Soviet-era public sector, in which processes of privatisation, outsourcing and decentralisation reduced the state’s ability to make public policy without input from domestic non-state actors. It argues that the limited participation in governance afforded to citizens through PCBs exemplifies practices of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’, a concept that captures the attempts by the state to control policy outcomes produced through new public participatory mechanisms arising from the marketization of state bureaucracy. Although the thesis focuses on the case of Russia, the concept of ‘authoritarian neoliberal governance’ raises the question of the existence of commensurable mechanisms in other non-democratic polities.

This dissertation addresses the question “how disasters change state-society relations under authoritarian rule?” Specifically, I investigate how space and social capital were created after major earthquakes and the relationships between local governments and civil society organizations (CSOs). Based on four years of interviews conducted with government officials and CSO leaders and two rounds of surveys in 126 villages in rural Sichuan province, utilizing experiments, focus groups, and interviews, I argue that social capital and space for CSOs were created after major earthquakes. Adding to the literature of consultative authoritarianism and graduated control, I demonstrate that within the newly created space, local governments use a deliberate differentiation strategy towards different CSOs. Such differentiation is more driven by the state’s interest to extract productivity and outsource responsibility for public goods provision by regime-supporting CSOs, and less dictated by the state’s need to acquire information from regime-challenging CSOs with collective action potential. Such approach contributes to the authoritarian resilience in China. Despite the interference from the state from above, the newly created space also faces challenges from the private sphere with individual citizens being skeptical of the CSO sector due to limited interactions, mismatch of criteria, institutional constraints, and lack of civility. I then draw from the qualitative data and construct a dynamic framework of state-society relations under an authoritarian state after disasters by starting from co-operational, complementary, competitive, and confrontational relations, and end up in either co-optation or confrontation in the long run. Finally, I trace the development of the newly drafted charity law and the foreign NGO law. I argue that the state-organized legalization process would first allow the state to use the “zone of indifference” to get to know the new developments in the public sphere. Then, through a process of toleration, participation, initiation, replication, and bifurcation, the state manages to extract productivity from, and outsource responsibility to, the regime-supporting players, and drive out the regime challenging ones. The laws, made through this process, is also vulnerable to state intervention at any time, and therefore, prevents China from having a meaningful civil society. / 2020-02-22T00:00:00Z

This dissertation offers a single case in-depth analysis of factors precluding civil society from democratizing African polities. Synthesizing existing literature on Rwanda, I first undertake an historical search to trace the origins and qualities of civil society in the colonial era. This effort shows, however, that the central authority—commencing before the inception of the Republic in 1962—consistently organized civil society to buttress its activities, not to challenge them. Next, using ethnographic research, I challenge conventional economic and institutional accounts of civil society’s role in democratization. I show that institutional change and the economic clout of organized groups are marginal and transient in effect, and hence possess considerable limitations to democratize state and non-state-groups relations. I argue that the Genocide and its historical materials, social and economic precariousness, and neo-patrimonial power configurations have erected a prevailing political culture that still conditions how Rwanda’s state-society relations are imagined, realized, and challenged. Conversely, just as that political culture has lengthened the reach of the state into society, limiting the potential autonomy of civil society, it has also been the basis for rebuilding the society, restoring the state’s authority, and enacting major state-building oriented reforms. Consequently, for CSOs to induce a liberal democratic order in domestic politics, subsequent activism will require long-term strategic and organic investment of actors into the dispersed, parochial strands of democracy first, not into ongoing confrontational, yet fruitless, political warfare that hinders social capital formation and that civil society is not yet equipped to win.