The term of ¡§migrant worker¡¨ appeared after the 1978 economic reform in China, since then, millions of farmers or rural inhabitants squeezed themselves into cities for better payment and life. However, the residency system restricts those workers with the rural residence registration from sharing the same working treatment and social welfare as the city residence. Until today, the migrant worker issue is not only become the toughest problem that Chinese government confronted, also this unfair condition increase the attentions of labor issue related I.O. and NGOs. Migrant workers and rural development are the developmental dilemma while Chinese government is perusing for higher GDP growth index. But, after 1990, big amount of social issue related NGOs increased, just in time for make up the insufficiency of government and enterprsies. This study focuses on the migrant workers problem, and its helping NGOs. To make a clear prove, this study provides four important migrant workers¡¦ educational and rights maintaining NGOs for case study. Through the research of these NGOs, we could figure out how those NGOs actually help those migrant workers. The amount of NGO is rapid growing, no matter how hard Chinese government intends to restrict those NGOs, it still represents that along with the trend of globalization, and the demand of civil society in China is also rising.

This research is concerned with how in/security is understood and the implications of contested meanings of in/security. The basic premise of this thesis is that in/security in itself has no meaning and thus cannot exist in isolation. Instead, in/security is always defined in relation to something or someone. How we understand in/security derives from the contexts we navigate and the identities we construct. An inquiry into in/security therefore demands incorporating a multiplicity of narratives and discussing these in relation to each other. While scholars have called for a greater emphasis on exploring in/security in marginal sites, I argue that accounts from the margins must not be at the exclusion of other more dominant narratives. Such analysis – placing the elite/margin, included/excluded, powerful/weak – in the same framework in order to produce a relational account of in/security is largely missing. This thesis sets out to provide a rich and detailed understanding of the everyday complexities of in/security. I propose a framework for capturing relational and contextual dimensions of in/security, and the implication of contested meanings of in/security understandings. Through an in-depth case study in the context of the transitions towards a post-conflict period in Colombia, following five decades of armed conflict, I inquired into in/security understandings at the margins in relation to the centre. The margins were represented by conflict-affected communities whereas the centre was represented by the Colombian government and key security sector institutions. The research found several relational dimensions of in/security understandings between the state- and the marginalized community-levels. Moreover, contextual and identity factors had a significant impact on how in/security was spoken about and what was spoken of. Through the framework, it was possible to see in continuum the way deeply ingrained understandings of in/security reproduce violence as the government seeks to transition the country into a post-conflict period following five decades of armed conflict. The research, through a detailed empirical case study, supports the view that in/security is relational and derivative of context and with ties to identity. It contributes to further our understandings of in/security at three distinct levels. At the theoretical level, the research builds upon existing literature in the field of security studies to advance an enhanced understanding of the relational and contextual dimensions of in/security, the contested meanings of in/security and the implications thereof. Methodologically, it proposes an alternative framework to capture the relational dimensions through shifting the problem formulation from a traditional focus on who is to be secured from what threats to how in/security is understood by different people/communities in different contexts. Empirically, it contributes to an off-centred understanding of in/security dynamics in the official transitions into the post-conflict period in Colombia. Through its empirical evidence it has the potential to offer an important contribution to the analysis of post-conflict transitions more generally.

More democratic planning processes are acknowledged to facilitate several positive outcomes including acceptance, support, better solutions and ownership, which are even more critical in developing countries where resource limitation is debilitating. But the paradox lies in needing to institute more democratic planning processes inside less democratic systems. In seeking explanations as to why collaboration in planning is lacking in urban Ethiopia, the research adopts a different analytical perspective that conceptualizes the state not only as a direct participant through its different agencies but also as the main architect of social structure. As the state in less democratic systems is stronger in shaping society, the contextualization of sense-making in the wider environment of the South requires focusing on the influence of government systems to discover associations and patterns that determine the structure of planning processes. Adopting flexible and pragmatic methodological procedures, methods and techniques that balance what is possible with epistemological interest, the research introduces a different lens to planning that links trust, collective action and cooperation with confidence in government by taking into consideration the embeddedness of actors within the framework of existing realities. Through the case of Amdework, the thesis presents implications on planning by the different attributes of the state and state-society relations. It shows how and to what extent partial and undemocratic government systems create power asymmetry, impede the development and the integrity of organized civil society, affect social capital such as trust, cooperative norms and the motivation to participate in collective action. These in turn penetrate planning processes by destroying the basic level of trust, balanced power of participants and democratic culture, and the we-intention for joint action. And through five more cases that focus on conceptions and cooperation at the micro-level (in the autonomous community of Awra Amba, the foreign NGO spearheaded joint action of the BuraNest initiative, and different projects in or related with Addis Ababa), it provides empirical evidence that planning, whether government entities are direct participants or not, also heed to pressures exerted by the overall of intuitional/political environment where the state rules rather than governs. / Doctorat en Art de bâtir et urbanisme (Architecture) / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

No description available.

A idéia de que a formação de laços de cooperação e a organização em associações podem contribuir para a melhoria da qualidade de vida de populações pobres tem adquirido força entre teóricos e atores políticos. Parte deles argumenta que o Estado tem historicamente agido contra a possibilidade de organizações autônomas emergirem em comunidades de baixa renda, mas exemplos recentes mostram que atores estatais também podem incentivar e apoiar estas comunidades para que se auto-organizem, o que pode ser decisivo para que elas se desenvolvam em termos sociais e econômicos. A presente dissertação pretende estabelecer o quadro teórico e histórico no qual se insere um exemplo significativo de como o Estado pode, em parceria com setores organizados da sociedade civil, estimular a organização coletiva das parcelas mais pobres e menos organizadas da população, a fim de promover seu desenvolvimento. Este exemplo vem do programa Incubadora de Cooperativas, da Prefeitura Municipal de Santo André, município da região do Grande ABC, São Paulo. Os limites e possibilidades de uma política pública de fomento ao cooperativismo como estratégia de desenvolvimento são considerados com base em duas abordagens principais: de um lado, os debates sobre o papel de governos para o estímulo à participação dos cidadãos e sua organização em associações dentro de um quadro de redefinição das relações Estado-sociedade civil; de outro lado, o contexto de construção do que vem sendo chamado economia solidária, que aqui caracterizamos como uma diversidade de experiências coletivas de organização econômica, onde as pessoas se associam para produzir e reproduzir meios de vida segundo relações de reciprocidade, igualdade e democracia. Com base nos avanços, dificuldades e desafios do caso da Incubadora de Cooperativas de Santo André, procuramos refletir sobre o potencial apoio do Estado em relação às formas de economia solidária. / The idea that building cooperation ties and organising in associations may contribute to improve the quality of life of the poor has been growing among social scientists and political agents. Part of them argue that the state has historically worked against the possibility of autonomous organisation rise among poor communities, but recent cases have proved that state actors may also work in ways of fostering and helping organisation in these communities, what may be decisive to their development both in social and economic terms. This dissertation attempts to build the theoretical and historical frame for an interesting example of how state, along with organised groups of civil society, can foster collective organisation of poor and non-organised people in order to promote development: the Cooperatives Incubator, of the Municipality of Santo André, São Paulo, Brasil. Limits and possibilities of such a public policy as development strategy are considered according to two main approaches: the debates on the role of governments to promote civic participation and organisation, what is related to the redefinition of state-society relations; and, on the other hand, the building of what has been called solidarity economics, featured as a diversity of collective experiences of economic organisation, where people get together to produce and reproduce means of life according to relations of reciprocity, equality and democracy. Based on the progress, difficulties and challenges of the Cooperatives Incubator of Santo André, we try to point out reflections on the potential role of the state to support forms of solidarity economics.

Independent documentary films in contemporary China articulate a vision of Chinese politics and society that deviates from official state discourse. This thesis explores how China’s New Documentary Movement (NDM) – a spontaneous, independent phenomenon in Chinese cinema – serves as an important arena to study state and society struggles in the aftermath of the post-Mao reforms. This study first explores the politicalization of Chinese national cinema to demonstrate how the degree of control exerted over filmmaking and the documentary genre functions as a useful indicator of Chinese state-society relations. Focusing on the contentious issue of land disputes and rural rightful resistance in two documentaries – Feng Yan’s "Bing Ai" as well as Zhang Ke and Dong Yu’s "Where is the Way" – it contrasts the lived reality of displaced peasants to the official rhetoric disseminated in the state media. Also discussed is the state’s response to the NDM and its implications for greater societal autonomy in contemporary China.

Independent documentary films in contemporary China articulate a vision of Chinese politics and society that deviates from official state discourse. This thesis explores how China’s New Documentary Movement (NDM) – a spontaneous, independent phenomenon in Chinese cinema – serves as an important arena to study state and society struggles in the aftermath of the post-Mao reforms. This study first explores the politicalization of Chinese national cinema to demonstrate how the degree of control exerted over filmmaking and the documentary genre functions as a useful indicator of Chinese state-society relations. Focusing on the contentious issue of land disputes and rural rightful resistance in two documentaries – Feng Yan’s "Bing Ai" as well as Zhang Ke and Dong Yu’s "Where is the Way" – it contrasts the lived reality of displaced peasants to the official rhetoric disseminated in the state media. Also discussed is the state’s response to the NDM and its implications for greater societal autonomy in contemporary China.

Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.

A idéia de que a formação de laços de cooperação e a organização em associações podem contribuir para a melhoria da qualidade de vida de populações pobres tem adquirido força entre teóricos e atores políticos. Parte deles argumenta que o Estado tem historicamente agido contra a possibilidade de organizações autônomas emergirem em comunidades de baixa renda, mas exemplos recentes mostram que atores estatais também podem incentivar e apoiar estas comunidades para que se auto-organizem, o que pode ser decisivo para que elas se desenvolvam em termos sociais e econômicos. A presente dissertação pretende estabelecer o quadro teórico e histórico no qual se insere um exemplo significativo de como o Estado pode, em parceria com setores organizados da sociedade civil, estimular a organização coletiva das parcelas mais pobres e menos organizadas da população, a fim de promover seu desenvolvimento. Este exemplo vem do programa Incubadora de Cooperativas, da Prefeitura Municipal de Santo André, município da região do Grande ABC, São Paulo. Os limites e possibilidades de uma política pública de fomento ao cooperativismo como estratégia de desenvolvimento são considerados com base em duas abordagens principais: de um lado, os debates sobre o papel de governos para o estímulo à participação dos cidadãos e sua organização em associações dentro de um quadro de redefinição das relações Estado-sociedade civil; de outro lado, o contexto de construção do que vem sendo chamado economia solidária, que aqui caracterizamos como uma diversidade de experiências coletivas de organização econômica, onde as pessoas se associam para produzir e reproduzir meios de vida segundo relações de reciprocidade, igualdade e democracia. Com base nos avanços, dificuldades e desafios do caso da Incubadora de Cooperativas de Santo André, procuramos refletir sobre o potencial apoio do Estado em relação às formas de economia solidária. / The idea that building cooperation ties and organising in associations may contribute to improve the quality of life of the poor has been growing among social scientists and political agents. Part of them argue that the state has historically worked against the possibility of autonomous organisation rise among poor communities, but recent cases have proved that state actors may also work in ways of fostering and helping organisation in these communities, what may be decisive to their development both in social and economic terms. This dissertation attempts to build the theoretical and historical frame for an interesting example of how state, along with organised groups of civil society, can foster collective organisation of poor and non-organised people in order to promote development: the Cooperatives Incubator, of the Municipality of Santo André, São Paulo, Brasil. Limits and possibilities of such a public policy as development strategy are considered according to two main approaches: the debates on the role of governments to promote civic participation and organisation, what is related to the redefinition of state-society relations; and, on the other hand, the building of what has been called solidarity economics, featured as a diversity of collective experiences of economic organisation, where people get together to produce and reproduce means of life according to relations of reciprocity, equality and democracy. Based on the progress, difficulties and challenges of the Cooperatives Incubator of Santo André, we try to point out reflections on the potential role of the state to support forms of solidarity economics.

No description available.