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Rodrigo Duterte came to power in the Philippines through the 2016 presidential election, soon starting his notorious war on drugs. Duterte is a populist that became known as tough talker without political, verbal or personal limitation. The paper explores Rodrigo Duterte though a case study that aims to answer certain questions relating to populism by using theories defined by Cas Mudde. This paper shows Duterte as a populist strongman that operates as an insider-outsider, not a part of the classical elite but with a clear connection to them. It also shows that he is acting mostly on behalf of the middle- and upper classes and that his rise came as a consequence of bad governance and lack of services after a period of economic growth. Through offensive comments and a hardline rhetoric, his politics have taken a heavy toll on the relationship with the historically closest ally of the Philippines, the United States. It shows Dutertes complicated relationship to the people, the elite and the will of the people.

What will happen in Cuba after the Castro regime is a perennial question in discussions about Cuba. Of course this is difficult to answer with accuracy, but one can identify trends that indicate likely outcomes. An interesting element in this discussion of what a post-Castro Cuba would look like is the role that the current opposition would play in a probable transition to democracy. There are several dissident groups in Cuba that call themselves political parties and who have adopted traditional western ideologies. It is likely that this Cuban opposition will play a defining role in a post-transition, especially if it has a common ideological base and some democratic experience. This study is an actor-centered investigation of the preconditions of a multi-party system in Cuba; if the opposition parties have internal democracy and if their members are tied to each other ideologically. The study involves interviewing leaders and members of four of the most important of these social democrat, liberal and Christian democrat parties. The conclusion is that the parties do have a more or less democratic systems set up and to a certain extent do they also follow these democratic rules. The internal democracy nevertheless has serious faults in three parties, for example that the leaders have too big possibilities of not following the statutes, and in the fourth case it works in practice similarly to what they claim to be rejecting, that is similar to the system the Cubans call caudillismo and often accuse Castro to employ. This diminishes the possibilities for these parties to lead Cuba towards a social and liberal democratic development. On the other hand, this study concludes that because these political parties have well-developed ideological bases there are possibilities that they will become an alternative political elite and an important factor for the progress after a transition from Castroism. / ¿Qué sucederá en Cuba, cuando el régimen de Castro cese? Es una pregunta recurrente en cualquier discusión sobre este país. No se puede aseverar nada al respecto, todos son supuestos, pero hay algunas tendencias que indican hacía donde podría apuntar. Un elemento interesante a analizar en la discusión sobre la Cuba post-Castro, sería el papel que desempeñaría la oposición en una supuesta transición hacia la democracia. Existen varios grupos disidentes en Cuba, considerados como partidos políticos y que han adoptado ideologías tradicionales occidentales. Esta intervención de dichos partidos políticos, podría ser determinante y definitiva en cómo será Cuba después de Castro, si se rigen por la ideología común y cierta experiencia democrática. Este estudio pretende profundizar en las condiciones previas de un sistema multipartidista en este país; Se fija como objetivo ver si los partidos de la oposición tienen realmente una democracia interna y si hay una coherencia e ilación entre los miembros de unos y otros ideológicamente hablando. El estudio plantea además, entrevistas con líderes y miembros activos de cuatro de los más importantes partidos: Dos liberales, uno social demócrata y uno demócrata cristiano. Como conclusión se puede extraer que dichos partidos tienen sistemas más o menos democráticos y hasta cierto punto se rigen por los parámetros de la democracia. También se denotan serios fallos en tres partidos, por ejemplo que los líderes tienen grandes posibilidades de no seguir los estatutos, y en el cuarto caso, podemos apreciar semejanzas con la manera caudillista de actuar del actual gobierno Castrense. Esto disminuye las posibilidades para que estos partidos puedan reconducir a Cuba hacia un desarrollo democrático, social y liberal. Por otra parte, cabe resaltar que estos partidos políticos tienen unas bases ideológicas bien desarrolladas, lo que puede generar la posibilidad de que se conviertan en una élite política alternativa y en un factor importante para el progreso de Cuba después de la transición post Castro.

To increase better work-life balance for parents and carers in Europe, an initiative for a directive on the issue was presented by the European Commission in April 2017. The European Commission stated that the aims of the directive was to improve work-life balance for parents and carers in Europe with legislative and non-legislative measures.  The initiative had been in process since a roadmap presented by the European Commission in 2015 with the intention of modernize existing former framework in the area. However, the social dimension in EU has been questioned for being purely symbolic politics. Therefore, the aim of this essay is to examine the motives behind the decision-making of the directive and analyse if the directive is a case of symbolic politics.  This case is examined by comparing symbolic politics motives with a taxonomy in relation to instrumental motives with a rational standpoint. The reason for examining different motives is that symbolic politics is viewed as an aspect of politics and can’t be explained alone.  To summarise, both instrumental and symbol politics motives have been a part of the decision process towards a new directive for work-life balance in Europe. It has been revealed that symbolic politics motives can explain parts in the decision process that could not be explained by instrumental motives.

In the last decades the world has become more and more digitalized which has led to a new kind of threat, known as cyberattacks. The statistics show that the amount of attacks are increasing every year even though the increasing experience should help to contain the threat. This creates questions regarding the learning capacity when it comes to cyberattacks.  The aim of this paper is to explore whether or not there has occurred an organizational learning within the Swedish crisis management linked to cyberattacks. By analyzing four different cases of cyberattacks within Sweden and the measures in-between, the paper searches for signs of organizational learning. The analysis uses a theory of organizational learning summarized into three indicators representing different levels of learning; single loop learning, double loop learning and meta learning, which are used to identify the learning.  The thesis finds that there are signs of organizational learning on a shallow as well as on a deep level but that there is a lack of connection between the learning. It is difficult to tell if the learning is based on experience from prior cyberattacks or if there are other influential aspects playing a larger part in the learning process. Further research could focus on finding a more distinct connection within the learning and its origins with the purpose of a better understanding of crisis management linked to cyberattacks.

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Syftet med uppsatsen är att se hur våra politiska partier företrädda i riksdagen, genom inlämnade motioner, argumenterar gällande förebyggande av missbruk av svenska pass. Syftet blir även att se huruvida det fanns likheter mellan partiernas teser och argument, och att undersöka hur teserna och argumenten förhåller sig till de statsvetenskapliga teorierna realism, beroendeteori, second – image teori samt nyinstitutionalism. Till detta ställer jag tre forskningsfrågor: 1) Vilka teser och argument har de i riksdagen företrädda partierna i sina motioner om förbyggande av missbruk av pass, 2) Finns det likheter i teser och argument mellan partierna, 3) Hur förhåller sig teserna och argumenten till teorierna. Argumentationsanalys som textanalytisk metod är intressant för undersökningen av argumentationens struktur i motionerna. Mitt förfarande är därför att göra en sådan analys av fyra partiers riksdagsmotioner, och på så vis söka svar på forskningsfrågorna. Arbetet koncentrerar sig på motioner från ledamöter i Sveriges Riksdag, och arbetet fokuserar endast på motioner författade under 2014. Arbetet åskådliggör klart de teser och argument som partierna har i sina motioner om förbyggande av missbruk av pass. Till detta visar arbetet även på klara likheter i partiernas teser och argument. Arbetet visar även på hur teserna och argumenten förhåller sig till teorierna. En slutsats i form av en avslutande diskussion fullbordar uppsatsen.

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