Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser la pertinence d’une culture stratégique particulière, celle de l’Inde. Au moins quatre variables culturelles à dimension sécuritaire – l’identité, les valeurs, les normes et les perceptions – permettent d’expliquer la conception de la sécurité et du pouvoir indiens. L’hypothèse avancée dans ce mémoire est la suivante : à cause de l’influence de la culture stratégique indienne, l’océan Indien est perçu par l’élite indienne comme l’endroit où réside la principale menace à la sécurité de l’Inde. En outre, cette perception particulière de la menace permet de mieux comprendre les ambitions maritimes de l’Inde dans l’océan Indien à l’aube du 21e siècle. Afin de confirmer l’hypothèse, nous analysons l’influence de la culture stratégique indienne sur les approches stratégiques privilégiées par les décideurs Indiens au sein de l’océan Indien. Nous concluons, sur la base de l’étude cas, que l’objectif stratégique de New Delhi est de devenir la puissance maritime dominante de l’océan Indien. Le moyen privilégié est la création d’une marine océanique puissante, capable de maintenir en permanence une escadre en patrouille loin de ses bases navales. Sur le plan théorique, les actions indiennes – qui ont surtout un caractère défensif – sont justifiées par une doctrine de non-ingérence des grandes puissances dans les affaires indiennes, doctrine calquée sur la doctrine Monroe. Selon la doctrine indienne, seules les puissances régionales sont à même de préserver la stabilité dans la région de l’océan Indien. Conséquemment, le Gouvernement indien œuvre à réduire l’ingérence des marines de guerre étrangères au sein de l’océan Indien. / This thesis aims to analyze the relevance of a particular strategic culture, that of India. At least four cultural variables, each with a specific security dimension - identity, values, norms and perceptive lens - help us understand the Indian notions of security and power. The main hypothesis put forward in our paper is as follows: because Indian elite are deeply influenced by the prevailing Indian strategic culture, they perceive the Indian Ocean as the place where the main security threat to the country’s security lies. In addition, this particular security perception makes it possible to better understand India’s maritime ambitions in the Indian Ocean at the dawn of the 21st century. To confirm this, we analyze the influence of Indian strategic culture on strategic approaches privileged by Indian decision-makers within the Indian Ocean. We conclude that New Delhi’s strategic objective is to become the dominant maritime power in the Indian Ocean. The means to bring about this end is the creation of a strong blue water navy capable of sustaining a permanent squadron on patrol far from its naval bases. Furthermore, Indian naval activities - which are mainly defensive in nature - are justified by a doctrine of non-interference by major powers in Indian domestic affairs, a doctrine modeled on the Monroe Doctrine. According to the Indian doctrine, only the regional powers are able to preserve stability in the Indian Ocean region. Consequently, the Indian Government works to reduce the presence of foreign naval forces in the Indian Ocean.

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Aspiring to become a “global security actor,” the EU has, throughout the last decade, increasingly made use of its versatile toolbox in crisis management missions far beyond its own soil. Crisis management missions are particularly challenging when security is threatened on various levels at once, as is the case in Mali. There, addressing the conflict means combining military assistance with development aid, state-building efforts, and security sector reforms. Ambitious to apply a truly comprehensive approach, meaning an approach that bridges military and civilian efforts, the EU has launched two missions in Mali; yet it has refrained from providing a full-scale military operation. This case study aims to foster an understanding of European security actorness by accounting for the challenges of EU crisis management in general and in Mali in particular from a theoretical perspective that integrates realist, institutionalist, and constructivist understandings. Finally, this thesis contributes to the academic debate on the concept of strategic culture by analyzing to what extent the concept proves helpful for understanding the challenges inherent in European crisis management.

The diploma thesis presents comparison of security and strategic culture's approaches of the European Union and the United States of America towards the threat of Islamic state. Comparison is based on two separated analyses of complex strategy and particular steps of both subjects from different methodological points of view. Each analysis consists of security and strategic culture in the light of historical milestones, factors of engagement in fight against Islamic state, complex counter-terrorism strategy and particular steps taken against the Islamic state. Based on comparative analysis both approaches will be compared and the thesis aims to answer the questions, how did both the USA and the EU challenged the threat of Islamic state, how these approaches differ and also what exactly stands behind these concrete steps.

The subject of this diploma thesis is the topic of Poland-United States bilateral relations, the form of which results, among other things, from the geographical location and historical experience of Poland. This bilateral cooperation has a major impact on events in the region, making it a very relevant topic to explore in the light of current developments on the international scene. The work is conducted in the form of a case study and its purpose is to analyse the dynamics of Poland-United States cooperation, while the basic premise of the research is the asymmetric form of Polish-U.S. bilateral relations. The aim is to point out that relations between Warsaw and Washington are, by their development and current form, based on consensus rather than coercion from the position of a stronger partner. Glenn H. Snyder's alliance security dilemma is used in this work to analyse the dynamics, too. Due to the conceptualization of strategic culture as a context of strategic behaviour, the work also provides a relatively detailed insight into Polish strategic culture, which serves as a tool for better understanding of Polish foreign policy, security priorities and thus motivation to maintain significant relations with the United States. It is precisely the form of these relations that opens the opportunity...

This thesis deals with Japanese foreign and security policy through the optics of critical geopolitics, specifically the "geopolitics as culture" notion developed by Gearóid Ó Tuathail. Using this notion as an analytical framework, the development of Japan's foreign and security policy from the establishment of a modern Japanese state till present days is analyzed, with three main concepts being addressed: (1) foreign policy traditions; (2) geopolitical and geostrategic discourses; (3) and strategic and geopolitical culture. For reasons of narrowing the topic down and applying the concept more consistently, one specific element of Japanese foreign and security policy is at the centre of attention: Japan's "maritime identity". The goal of the thesis is to identify and characterize Japan's geopolitical imagination and attempt to determine if and how has this imagination been expressed in the country's security policy with regard to the maritime identity. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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The aim of this research is to analyse the development of an EU grand strategy, using the two dominant EU powers Germany and France and their respective approach to an EU grand strategy. The importance of the EU grand strategy cannot be underestimated as it concerns the national security of all citizens in the EU. Research in this area which contributes with more findings addressing new information must be seen as urgent and relevant. While other studies have researched the development of the EU grand strategy, the recent international structural events in the form of the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have not yet been studied. The concepts that will be used are strategic culture and strategic autonomy, with the purpose to provide insights on Germany’s and France’s approach to an EU grand strategy. Strategic culture and strategic autonomy will use theoretical assumptions based on constructivism and structural realism respectively. The findings are that Germany is still a major proponent of a transatlantic EU grand strategy, while France remains supportive of a Europeanist EU grand strategy. Recent events with the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have led to that Germany have decided to abandon its energy dependency towards Russia and significantly increase its military spend to the by NATO stipulated two percent of GDP. These events will affect the development of the EU grand strategy, but the current signs are that Germany and France will not change their approach on the EU grand strategy because of this.

This dissertation aims to discover the hidden pattern and rationales behind China's South China Sea policies over the last one hundred years from the perspective of Chinese strategic culture. A historical-cultural approach is a powerful tool in uncovering deeper understandings of the Chinese way of policy making and strategy on issues such as the South China Sea. The key research questions include: first, is there any historical legitimacy in China's sovereignty claim over the South China Sea islands? Second, do Beijing's South China Sea policies in various periods have any regularity or pattern, and how did they serve China's grand strategies at the time? By utilizing extensive Chinese and English primary sources and other sources, this study conducts a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the South China Sea issue from the framework of Chinese strategic culture.

States have for a long time participated in international military operations, but their reasons for contributing with military capabilities are varied. This study intends to investigate and demonstrate how military contribution is motivated in the political decision-making process to justify its necessity, and how strategic culture influences the decision. The theoretical framework is extensive, containing several identified sub-beliefs of strategic culture, and factors within a rationalist and constructivist perspective used to capture political motivations. By employing a qualitative content analysis, the empirical material examined contains official documents, such as government propositions, reports, and protocols. The investigated cases are Sweden and Denmark’s military contribution to operations in Kosovo (Operation Allied Force, KFOR) and Mali (MINUSMA, EUTM, Operation Serval/Barkhane/Task Force Takuba). The findings indicate that while both Sweden and Denmark use the full spectrum of political motivations, Sweden emphasizes constructivist motivations, and Denmark rationalist motivations. This is traced to the central discovery that strategic culture within a state, influences how political motivations are portrayed to justify the necessity of contributing to international military operations. Thus, indicating the existence of an intertwined relationship between strategic culture, political motivations in terms of both rationalist and constructivist factors, and contribution of military capabilities.