It has been more than twelve years since the swift military operation removed Saddam Hussien's dictatorship from Iraq. Thousands of American soldiers participated in both combat and stabilization missions, the post-conflict reconstruction cost a significant amount of money. However, Iraq is far from being in peace. Therefore, the author of the thesis Iraqi Democracy: American Nation-building and Counter-insurgency in the Iraq War poses a question why the counter-insurgency and nation-building efforts did not meet with success in Iraq. He works with the assumption that one of the reasons the long-term stabilization mission in Iraq was unsuccessful was the American strategic culture, which is not ready for conflicts of the new century. Most contemporary conflicts are non-conventional; often we can see asymmetrical conflicts of low intensity without a direct conventional encounter of opposing armies. Using qualitative analysis of various combat and non-combat provisions in the Iraq War, the author concludes that under the influence of a long-term strategic culture and conventional mindset in the conduct of military operations, the United States didn't manage to adapt to the new type of conflict and it didn't learn its lesson from previous mistakes.

Diploma thesis tracks a process of transformation of the military strategy of the Russian Federation since its establishment (end of 1991) up to now (May 2016). The author observes, using longitudinal method of Process Tracing and with help of strategic theory and concept of strategic culture, the author observes in which areas of the Russian strategic culture and military strategy occurred changes throughout the surveyed period of time and how the changes influenced strategy implemented in armed conflicts in which Russian Federation was involved. Another observed phenomenon is a formalisation of ideological anchoring of revisionist foreign and security policy in the key strategic documents. Following factors are identified as critical in formation and implementation of final strategy: Presidential administration, strategic culture, strategic documents, armed forces, and military operations. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Abstract: This thesis investigates the recursive relationship between strategic culture, security policy-making, and Swedish security policy, aiming to provide further insights into change and continuity in policy norms and practices. Using a case-study methodology, and Bloomfield’s (2016) norm-dynamic framework, it analyses the Swedish Parliament deliberations regarding two, ‘mid-range’ defence and security cooperations with NATO.  The  results show how security policy is influenced by political actors, who actively assume roles to defend and contest security policy, depending on temporal and institutional contexts. Furthermore, the study has proven valuable for understanding both what lies behind a smaller state’s policy status quo, and its steps towards more momentous security-policy decisions. The recursive relationships within and aspects of security policy-making, underscores the significance of strategic culture as contextual. The thesis hopes to invite research into other ‘mid-range’ decisions for broadening this insight.

Nuclear weapons are considered to be the most destructive military weapons in the modem era. The combination of extensive destruction and the fact that nuclear missiles cannot be stopped makes nuclear weapons a major game changer in international security. When a country manages to weaponize nuclear material and is also able to make a delivery system the balance of power in the region is shifted. The roots of deterrence theory and modem balance of power theory are based on nuclear weapons capabilities between countries. In Southwest Asia, nuclear proliferation is common and has an important influence on the balance of power in the region. The combination of a turbulent history and a threatening environment are suitable for countries to try and develop nuclear weapons in order to overcome a security dilemma. This paper will attempt to demonstrate that nuclear proliferation in Southwest Asia is used as a deterrent against neighboring enemies and not a means to achieve regional dominance. This paper will illustrate this phenomenon through three case studies- Israel, Pakistan, and Iran. Each case will look at the historical evolution, political development, and military/security condition of each country and how each has influenced the decision of its leaders to commit to nuclear proliferation.

Under kalla kriget fanns stora skillnader mellan den deklarerade svenska säkerhetspolitiken och det faktiska handlandet. Problemformuleringen lyfter frågan om även nutida svensk säkerhetspolitik innehåller betydande diskrepanser. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka korrelationen mellan proposition 2008/09:140 – ett användbart försvar och proposition 2010/11:111 - Svenskt deltagande i den internationella militärainsatsen i Libyen. Med utgångspunkt i ett antal empiriskt bevisade småstatsbeteenden som syftar till ökat inflytande och därmed, för en liten stat i Europa som Sverige, ökad makt analyseras propositionerna. Beteendena tolkas även genom två perspektiv; neutralitetspolitiken samt strategisk kultur och identitet. Slutsatserna som dras av undersökningen är att det inte föreligger några nämnvärda diskrepanser mellan deklarerad och agerad säkerhetspolitik så som de manifesteras i propositionerna. Kopplingen mellan nutida svensk säkerhetspolitik och perspektiven är tydlig om än med vissa motsättningar. / During the cold war, there were significant differences between the declared Swedish security policy and the way it was actually carried out. Sweden was not quite as neutral as it purported to be and maintained covert collaborations with the west throughout the cold war. This history of contradicting policies raises the question if contemporary Swedish security policy contains significant discrepancies. The purpose of this paper is to explore the correlation between the bill 2008/09:140 – a useable defence and bill 2010/11:111 – Swedish participation in international military action in Libya. The bills are analysed from a number of empirically proven small state foreign policy behaviours aimed at increasing influence and thus, for a small state in Europe like Sweden, increasing power. These behaviours are also interpreted through two perspectives: the Swedish policy of neutrality and Swedish strategic culture and identity. The conclusion drawn from the study is that there are no significant discrepancies between declared and acted security policy as manifested in the propositions. The connection between contemporary Swedish security policy and the perspectives are clear, albeit with some differences.

Plusieurs indices permettent de croire que la politique étrangère canadienne ainsi que l’Aide publique au développement (APD) ont été remodelées de manière considérable durant la dernière décennie. Sur plusieurs thèmes, l’arrivée du gouvernement conservateur de Stephen Harper coïncide avec ces changements. Parmi ceux-ci, il semble que certaines Organisations non gouvernementales religieuses (ONGR) en partenariat avec l’Agence canadienne de développement international (ACDI) soient favorisées dans leur financement fédéral. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc, dans un premier temps, de quantifier cette tendance dans l’allocation des fonds de l’APD. Dans un second temps, il s’agit d’expliquer les raisons ayant initié ce virage du régime de l’APD canadienne. L’hypothèse de recherche est que l’aspect religieux de l’idéologie du cabinet de Stephen Harper constitue un élément fort de la culture stratégique (CS) qui modifie le comportement et les décisions quant à la gestion de son régime de l’APD. Ce mémoire, en utilisant une démarche empirique, démontre que les théories institutionnalistes typiquement utilisées dans les études de l’APD ne permettent pas de saisir adéquatement le phénomène observé. Ce mémoire résout de manière novatrice ce déficit théorique en utilisant le concept de la culture stratégique et les approches constructivistes. / Several indicators suggest that Canadian foreign policy and the Official Development Assistance (ODA) have been remodeled significantly during the last decade. Several of these changes coincide with the arrival of the Conservative government of Stephen Harper. Of these, it seems that some religious non-governmental organizations (RNGO) in partnership with the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) are favored in their federal funding. The objective of this thesis is twofold; first, to quantify the trend in the allocation of funds to the RNGO. The second objective is to explain the reasons for this shift in the orientation of Canadian ODA. The research hypothesis is that the religious aspect of the ideology of the Harper cabinet is a strong element of its strategic culture that can influence the behavior and decisions facing the management of its ODA. This thesis, using an empirical approach, shows that institutionalism theories typically used in the studies of ODA do capture adequately the observed phenomenon. This thesis solves in a novel way, this theoretical gap by using the concept of strategic culture and constructivist approaches.

<p>In studying the art of Counterinsurgency Warfare we are usually inclined to the reading of several books regarding this matter. Because of this some writers have the power to influence the minds of the reader. This can be of great benefit since it enables information sharing and for the reader a chance to learn from the triumphs, but also mistakes of others. However each writer is the creation of the time and context under which he existed. Because of the wheel of time certain things change, and because of the context a myriad of factors came into play affecting the outcome and product of the doings and thoughts of that specific occurrence. Because of this, books need to be read and viewed from a certain perspective to be used to the full. Out of the large number of factors I have chosen one in particular which is to be revealed in the pages you are about to read; The strategic culture. This work deals with the task of examining the COIN-based books of John A Nagl, Frank Kitson and David Galula in order to see the influence of the strategic culture from the countries from which they were spawned. The result will be an evaluation of the similarities of the writers to that of the strategic culture of their country of origin and a set of guidelines to regard in the advent of reading the three writers.</p>

In studying the art of Counterinsurgency Warfare we are usually inclined to the reading of several books regarding this matter. Because of this some writers have the power to influence the minds of the reader. This can be of great benefit since it enables information sharing and for the reader a chance to learn from the triumphs, but also mistakes of others. However each writer is the creation of the time and context under which he existed. Because of the wheel of time certain things change, and because of the context a myriad of factors came into play affecting the outcome and product of the doings and thoughts of that specific occurrence. Because of this, books need to be read and viewed from a certain perspective to be used to the full. Out of the large number of factors I have chosen one in particular which is to be revealed in the pages you are about to read; The strategic culture. This work deals with the task of examining the COIN-based books of John A Nagl, Frank Kitson and David Galula in order to see the influence of the strategic culture from the countries from which they were spawned. The result will be an evaluation of the similarities of the writers to that of the strategic culture of their country of origin and a set of guidelines to regard in the advent of reading the three writers.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.