The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

Este trabalho aborda o quadro de crise da Universidade Latino-Americana do Século XX e a sua relação na emergência de uma força social de renovação: o movimento estudantil e a Reforma de Córdoba de 1918. Partindo desse contexto maior, o tema da dissertação estuda especificamente a inserção e desenvolvimento da crítica à Universidade Tradicional Brasileira como uma luta política institucionalizada pelos universitários em nível nacional. Analisa, particularmente, o papel da União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), entidade máxima dos gaúchos, na origem e desdobramentos de uma política estudantil pautada no Movimento pela Reforma Universitária e na sua contribuição (ou não) para uma política pública no Brasil. O recorte temporal inicia-se em 1960 quando o tema da Reforma Universitária ingressa, via UNE, na pauta dos debates estudantis, e estende-se até 1968 com as proposições do Grupo de Trabalho de Reforma Universitária, as quais servem de base para a Lei Universitária nº 5.540. Para isso, utiliza-se como apoio, além da análise das entrevistas e de um acervo documental, também uma fonte bibliográfica afim. Nessa fonte, faz-se uso das noções de “ação“ e “atuação” para identificar, examinar e comparar as formas e conteúdos das reivindicações da UEE em diferentes momentos, na sua relação com às da UNE e desta com o Movimento de Córdoba. Questiona-se a influência do Manifesto argentino no movimento brasileiro e em que medida a política estudantil de reforma da UEE, desenvolvida em diferentes contextos políticos e ideológicos, pode ter contribuído para a definição de uma política pública. Trabalha-se com as hipóteses de que a influência dos postulados pela reforma argentina não foi absorvida pelo movimento estudantil nacional somente naquela conjuntura específica e de que a dinâmica diferenciada das reivindicações dos estudantes no estado produziu alguns efeitos no desenvolvimento de uma política universitária brasileira. A ausência de um estudo que trate da participação política diferenciada das entidades estudantis em âmbito estadual, aliado à atualidade que o tema da Reforma Universitária reveste-se em termos governamentais, permite justificar sua relevância à Ciência Política. / The present study features the situation of the Twentieth Century Latin-American University crisis and its relation on the emergency of a social strength of renewal: The Student Activism and the 1918 Cordoba Reform. Through this major context, the thesis subject specifically studies the insertion and development of the criticism towards the Traditional Brazilian University as an institutionalized political struggle by the university students at national level. It analyses, particularly, the role of the União Estadual de Estudantes (UEE/RS), Gauchos‟ highest entity, at the origin and development of student politics regulated on the activism by the University Revolution and its contribution (or not) to public politics in Brazil. The chronological cut starts in 1960 when the University Revolution topic is included, via UNE, at the students‟ debate agenda, and it extends itself until 1968 with the Group of Work propositions of the University Revolution, which serves as a base for the University law nº 5.540. For this, it is also used as support, besides the interview analysis and a documental collection, a similar bibliographic source. In this source, the notions of “action” and “acting” are used for identifying, examining and comparing the ways and contents of the UEE demands on different moments, on its relation with the UNE and the relation of the UNE with the Cordoba activism. It is questioned the influence of the Argentinean Manifesto on the Brazilian activism and to what extent the UEE reformist students politics, developed in different political and ideological contexts, may have contributed to the definition of public politics. It is dealt with the hypotheses that the influence on the Argentinean reformist postulates were not absorbed by the students national activism only in that specific conjuncture and that the differential dynamics of the students‟ demands in the state produced some effects on the developments of Brazilian university politics. The absence of a study that deals with the differential political participation of the students entities in a state extent, combined with how recent the topic University Reform covers itself in governmental terms, allows a justification of its relevance to Political Science.

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本研究的主要目的是考察印尼學生在他們的學生組織中如何扮演促進印尼與台灣之間關係的角色。本論文用公共外交的概念與分析框架，以作者在台就學之便親身參與各項印尼學生組織活動的經驗觀察所得，結合相關的文獻分析，最後發現，印尼學生在促進印台關係中扮演三種角色：1. 強化兩國人民的關係；2. 增進彼此的瞭解；3. 提升了兩國彼此在對方民眾與社會中的能見度與形象。而印尼學生之所以可以在台灣非穆斯林社會達到這樣的成果，主要歸功於：1. 印尼社群的互助傳統（gotong-royong）變成他們在台灣推動組織工作的社會資本；2. 在台灣的印尼移工與學生社群對這些服務的需求；3. 駐台北印尼經濟貿易辦公室、台灣政府以及各個大學學務單位的多方的支持與協助。 / The main objective of this study is to examine the role Indonesian students in Indonesian student organizations in Taiwan have played in enhancing the relationship between Indonesia and Taiwan. This thesis explores and details some of the activities of Indonesian students as they study in Taiwan, and examines how these activities have contributed to bridging and increasing the volume of people-to-people relations between the two countries, as well as how the associations and their activities have indirectly enhanced mutual understanding between Taiwanese and Indonesians. This thesis adopts the new public diplomacy and relational public diplomacy framework. Some data were collected during the researcher’s participation in Indonesian student associations and activities. Other data were gathered via discussion with several prominent Indonesian student association leaders. For the document analysis, this research uses Indonesian student organization document reports, Indonesia and Taiwan government reports, statistical data, newspapers, and websites. This thesis suggests that there are three roles Indonesian students play in bridging the relationship between Indonesia and Taiwan: (1) strengthening people-to-people relations (2) bridging mutual understanding (3) increase visibility and positive image. In addition, this thesis shows that there are three factors leading Indonesian students to establish their associations and conduct their activities: (1) their tradition of communal work (gotong-royong) as social capital (2) the demands of Indonesian migrant workers and students (3) support from various institutions, such as the Indonesian government especially IETO, universities, and the Taiwan government. The three factors are important and they are related to each other. Because of the three factors, Indonesian students can carry out their activities.

Le présent travail, en analysant la trajectoire biographique du réalisateur japonais Sômai Shinji de son passage dans les mouvements de contestation de la Nouvelle gauche à ses premiers films tournés dans les années quatre-vingt, se veut une étude critique sur le sens généralement accordé à l’utilisation de la technique dite du « plan-séquence » dans le contexte du cinéma japonais. Le plan-séquence est une méthode de mise en scène que différents auteurs occidentaux, de Noël Burch à Donald Richie, ont régulièrement qualifié d’ « essentiellement » japonaise tant elle semble selon eux présenter une utilisation de l’espace qui la rapproche des arts de représentation traditionnels comme le théâtre kabuki ou la peinture de Heian. En mettant en évidence les fonctions de contestation et de résistance que cette technique joue dans l’esthétique des films de Sômai Shinji, activiste de la Quatrième internationale japonaise de 1967 à 1971, nous démontrons que le jugement selon lequel le plan-séquence découlerait d’une sensibilité propre au peuple japonais－en effet, d’une « japonité »－est pour le moins à revoir. Sômai, de par son passé politique, est un réalisateur qui est constamment en lutte avec les valeurs de ce que nous appelons l’ « idéologie dominante », si bien que sa trajectoire ne peut se comprendre qu’en tenant compte des notions de conflits et de contradictions, bien loin de l’image lisse et homogène du peuple japonais dont nous abreuve un certain discours. Au-delà de la relecture du sens accordé à l’usage de la technique du plan-séquence－à laquelle nous associons rapidement des cinéastes comme Mizoguchi Kenji ou Sone Chûsei－, cette thèse soulève donc certaines interrogations sur la perception que nous avons, à travers les médias audiovisuels, de la nation comme entité homogène et fixée dans le temps. / The present work, while examining the biographical trajectory of Japanese filmmaker Sômai Shinji from his past in the Japanese New Left to his first movies made in the 80s, is aimed at being a critical study of the significance regarding the use of the technique called “one scene-one shot” generally admitted in the context of Japanese cinema. The one scene-one shot is a method of mise-en-scène considered by several non-Japanese authors, like Noël Burch or Donald Richie, to be “essentially” Japanese because of what they think to be similarities with methods of representation usually found in kabuki theatre and Heian paintings. While we enhance the functions of protest and resistance this technique plays in the aesthetic of Sômai Shinji－who was an activist of the Japanese Fourth International from 1967 to 1971－films, we assess that the argument regarding the one scene-one shot as a method of filming particular to the Japanese sensibility－indeed, an expression of “Japaneseness”－is at best to be reconsidered. Sômai, because of his political past, was a filmmaker constantly struggling with the values of what we call the “dominant ideology”. His work cannot properly be understood unless we put the notions of conflicts and contradictions at the core of our analysis, departing from the traditionally peaceful and homogenous image that certain discourses usually express regarding the Japanese people. Beyond a reexamination of the significance traditionally given to the use of the one scene-one shot in the context of Japanese cinema－to which we associate filmmakers such as Mizoguchi Kenji and Sone Chûsei－, this dissertation questions the images of the nation, expressed through audiovisual means, as a homogenous and fixed community.