Yes / Despite the growing research on the performance implications of technological and organizational innovation, our understanding of how they impact SMEs’ international performance is limited. Drawing from the dynamic capability and the institutional theories, this study argues that technological and organizational innovation has a synergistic effect on international performance and that this effect is contingent on unique domestic institutional factors. We test this model using structural equation modeling on a sample of 204 internationalized SMEs operating in Ghana. The findings from the analysis show that high levels of organizational and technological innovation jointly improve SMEs’ international performance. In addition, the results show that institutional environment specificity and institutional environment enforceability enhance the complementary effect of organizational and technological innovation on the international performance of SMEs. The theoretical and managerial implications of the findings are discussed.

No / Is there an alternative to the undemocratic and unaccountable power of capitalist philanthropy? If people in sub-Saharan Africa at grass roots level are to regain control of their futures, they must bet everything on democracy. But the challenge this presents should not be underestimated. We need social relations through which solutions can be determined with individuals and community groups to serve their needs and over which they exert a high degree of direct responsibility. In the spirit of Ubuntu or ‘oneness’, local communities understand what is required to meet their diverse needs, whether they are revenue-generating options or changing behaviours and conditions that inhibit social transformation. Who owns and controls philanthropy, and how other forms of influence become attached to it, are questions that lie at the heart of any transformational agenda. A local ecosystem model starts from a very different set of principles – it reduces the domination and influence of capitalist philanthropy in global development and instead empowers local communities to drive forward change.

Yes / This paper examines the conceptual origins of individual rights that shaped the UN and UNESCO model of human rights and the origins of group rights as they emerged in the post–colonial era to challenge inequality. It argues that the idea of rights to self determination, associated initially with decolonization in Africa based on equal statehood status in international relations, has, since decolonization, reinvigorated the promotion of group or peoples’ rights as a framework for challenging poverty and inequality, including access or rights to development.

In theory, education will lead to better healthcare, literacy rates, less poverty, increased tolerance for diversity, and increased career opportunities. More education will help ensure a brighter future for generations to come and help set a positive, successful example of development for countries that may still be grappling with issues related to unsuccessful development. Once a country has achieved steady development and stability, participation in the international economy will become easier, trade will become more fair and free, and a positive international reputation attractive to foreign investors will help set that society well on the path of more sophisticated checks and balances, transparency, accountability, and legitimacy. With all of this comes the replacement of the cycle of underdevelopment by the forward motion of progress with hope for fair political participation, equal rights, a vast array of educational and career opportunities, and happy and healthy futures for generations to come. Unfortunately, Sub-Saharan Africa has suffered from an endemic cycle by varying degrees of underdevelopment and resource mismanagement which has prevented most countries from reaching the aforementioned ideal situation. Using three case studies from the region, this research explores the economic background, social background, economic background, political background, historical evolution, education system settings, goals, and post-colonial educational development that has either led to positive growth and self-reliance as is the case with South Africa, continues to baffle Kenyans, or the complete lack thereof causing stagnation and exacerbation of current national social, political, and economic problems as is the case with Nigeria.

No description available.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was signed into law in May 2000 by President Clinton to allow sub-Saharan countries to export designated products duty-free into the US. AGOA is a temporary measure that is non-reciprocal and not negotiated by the participating parties. The initiative was launched to liberalise the markets of developing countries on the road to become integrated in the global economy. The initial success of AGOA was limited, with only a few countries making use of AGOA to increase their exports into the US markets. Problems encountered were high levels of protectionism from the US and the existence of technical trade barriers (including sanitary measures in agriculture) and nontariff barriers (including quotas). African countries are using shipment as the main transport for exports, and the US barred transshipment due to corruption that occurred in the past. The AGOA also made provision for 'special provisions' measures to enable AGOA eligible countries to export apparel and textile to the US. The export of apparel was very successful until the Multifibre Agreement expired in 2005, leading to relocation of apparel factories to lower cost bases. The real beneficiaries from AGOA are oil-exporting countries that make up more than 90% of total AGOA benefits. South Africa is the only country who succeeded in diversified AGOA exports. AGOA has been supplemented by AGOA II (extending the product range) and AGOA III (extending the expiry date to 2015). After the EU-SA Free Trade Agreement has been concluded in 1999, the US started with FTA negotiations with the South African Customs Union (SACU) to improve the exposure of US products to the SACU market and to decrease the trade deficit. However, the agenda of the FTA negotiations included second generation issues of intellectual property rights, trade in services, investment and government procurement. The SACU negotiators learnt some lessons from the EU-SA FTA and progress was slow. The extension of AGOA to 2015 saw a decrease in the urgency of striking a SACU-US FTA. Negotiations slowed down and the decision was made in April 2006 to conduct talks on a lower level. This breathing time can be used by the SACU negotiators to develop an aggressive offensive strategy for future negotiations, and to build competency against the efficient and offensive US negotiators. The US-SACU FTA must still be pursued to ensure that the benefits of AGOA are locked in. It will be beneficial for SACU if the different needs for all the SACU countries are addressed and the negotiations are done in incremental steps .

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The SACU bloc, which accounts for one-half of the subcontinent's GDP, is the largest market for the US exports in SSA (Langton, January 2005). Wide differences exist among the economies of SACU - while SA has developed a significant manufacturing and industrial capacity, the other countries remain dependent on agriculture and mineral extraction. The grouping is dominated by SA, which accounts for 87% of the population, and 93% of the GDP of the customs area. SACU member states had a combined real GDP of $201bn in 2003. Services made up 65% of SA Trade in 2003 and had become a major player. In 2003, SACU was the 32nd largest trading partner of the US with two-way trade equivalent \ $7.3bn. Merchandise imports from SACU totaled $5.6bn in 2003, a 17.3% increase from 2002 and a 126% increase from 1996. They were composed of minerals such as platinum, diamonds, and titanium, textiles and apparel, vehicles, and automotive parts. Major US exports to the region include aircraft, vehicles, computers, and construction and agricultural equipment. Services trade between the US and SA has increased dramatically for both countries, with US exports increasing 154% and service imports from SA increasing by 383% respectively since 1992. The stock of US FDI in SA totaled $3.9bn in 2003 and was centered around manufacturing chemicals and services. The main economic objective of FTAs is to reduce trade barriers between member countries and liberalize trade and investment rules (Kanoute, November 2005). This improves market access which is the key to foreign export earnings and investment. But market access is a door that swings both ways, opening local markets to a flood of imports. This can undermine domestic production and employment, and thus exacerbate poverty. Some US civil society organizations have expressed concern that a SACU FTA could have negative consequences for poor Southern Africans, citing potential adjustment costs for import-competing farmers, poor enforcement of labour rights, privatization of utilities, and increased restrictions on importing generic drugs to treat HIV/AIDS (Langton, January 2005). The proposed FTA is ambitious, especially given the tight deadline and the broad range of topics on the negotiating table (Zunckel, Tralac). These include not only tariffs on goods, as is traditional in trade talks, but the wider global economic panoply of agriculture, rules of origin intellectual property, trade in services, investment, government procurement, trade remedies, labour, environmental standards and trade dispute settlement. The US gains reciprocity by gaining improved access to the SACU market than it currently enjoys under AGOA. The IP and "TRIPS plus" provisions are of particular concern to consumers (www.tralac.org.) Ongoing developments at the multilateral level bode against the advisability of entering into binding bilateral agreements with less favourable provisions on essential medicines. Foreign investment could lead to greater industrialization within SACU and competition within local industry, boosting efficiency. But safeguards and industrial policy must be utilized effectively to protect the region's developmental goals. Reliance on domestic courts as the forum of first instance (and state-to-state dispute settlements should those fail) is preferable, as it allows greater possibilities of defending the public interest of SACU citizens over investors' interests (Langton, January 2005). Reaching consensus on negotiating strategy in SACU is no easy feat. Formal negotiations began in June 2003, but talks have made little progress over the past years. The interests of the five different countries, at differing stages of development, have to be reconciled (Draper. 2004). No doubt SA, with its diverse array of interests relative to its BLNS partners in the customs union, will drive this. SACU negotiators, in common with those in many developing countries, have great difficulty in understanding, let alone mobilizing, their services sectors. Hence they have adopted a defensive posture, favouring liberalization only in those (few) sub-sectors that are well understood. SACU has formally accepted an offer made by the US to progress a so-called trade and investment cooperation agreement (TICA). Prior negotiation will be needed among SACU countries, who clearly have an interest in coordinating its negotiation with other US bilateral negotiating partners (Whalley & Leith, December 2003).

No description available.

Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished