Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of New Mexico, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-183).

D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) / South Africa’s 1996 Constitution makes provision for relatively autonomous provincial administrations, which share responsibility with the national government for important functional areas while also exercising exclusive authority over others. Although the Constitution is not explicit on the distribution of foreign policy competence, the dominant interpretation among South African policy-makers is that this functional area is the exclusive domain of the national government. Consequently, the foreign policy-making process in the country has over the years been dominated by the national executive. Even so, since 1995 the interplay of a set of push and pull factors has encouraged all provinces to assume an active and direct international role, to the extent that provincial international relations or paradiplomacy has become an important feature of South Africa’s international relations. This study examines the paradiplomacy of the South African provinces of Gauteng, the North West and the Western Cape against the backdrop of a relatively weak scholarly and public discourse of the phenomenon in the country. Through an in-depth and empirically based analysis of the three case studies, the inquiry generates insight into the nature and meaning of paradiplomacy in South Africa, as a contribution to the development of alternative accounts of a phenomenon whose scholarship is still heavily dominated by Western perspectives. The study finds that paradiplomacy has evolved in South Africa as a predominantly functional project, which has little significance for the authority of the national government over the country’s foreign policy and international relations. The provincial governments in Gauteng, the North West and the Western Cape engage in international relations primarily as a strategy to harness the opportunities of globalisation and economic interdependence, in the interest of the socio-economic development of their respective jurisdictions. This ‘developmental paradiplomacy’ is conditioned to a large extent by the limited provincial powers on foreign affairs, strong centripetal forces in South Africa’s political system, as well as the pervasive influence of the post-apartheid discourse on socio-economic transformation. Thus, although all three provinces examined conduct their international relations with relative autonomy and in ways that have at times undermined the country’s international reputation and attracted Pretoria’s ire, these activities are consciously defined within the framework of the country’s foreign policy and, in some cases, are executed in close collaboration with the national government. In a sense, therefore, provinces conceive of their international role as that of agents or champions of Pretoria’s foreign policy agenda. The key findings of this study, especially as they pertain to the nature and significance of paradiplomacy in South Africa, highlight the North-South geopolitical cleavage in the manifestation of the phenomenon. On the one hand, the South African case resonates with the experience in other developing countries like India, China, Malaysia and Argentina, where paradiplomacy evolves under the shadow of national foreign policy processes. On the other hand, the findings contrast with the experience in most countries in Europe and North America where questions of nationalism, sub-national identity and the sovereign authority for international representation have contributed to defining the international agency of sub-national governments.

This study evaluates Hong Kong's soft power through investigating the relations between the city's paradiplomatic ambits and performance and critically reflects on how the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) to further develop its presence in international stage and its identity as an active non-sovereign international actor. This study also enriches the literature of paradiplomacy and soft power of non-sovereign actors since the soft power analysis is still limited to state-centric research. This research also explores new angles to deal with Hong Kong-China relations by highlighting how the paradiplomacy and the soft power of Hong Kong can create space and flexibility for the city's international engagement. A theoretical framework which incorporates new institutionalism and normative theory to explain the interplay of paradiplomacy and soft power is proposed and tested. This study adopts multi-pronged method to investigate Hong Kong's soft power and its leaders' capabilities in upholding the city's international profile under "One Country, Two Systems". Through studying the international indexes, surveys of public opinion, official documents like Hong Kong Policy Addresses and conducting in-depth interviews, this study delineates and evaluates the soft power capacities within paradiplomatic ambits of the city. The key findings of the research indicate the HKSAR government has had a very restrictive understanding of the soft power for the city. In particular, the study proves that both institutions and values of Hong Kong are crucial for boosting the city's soft power. In contrast to the conventional system, the institutions of the HKSAR have limited the fostering of values of Hong Kong, but also the development of the city's soft power. This study shows that the tensions between the government and civil society have weakened some of the potential soft power resources. Moreover, the prevailing policy focus on strengthening the city's financial and economic status with respect to China's rise to power has not done justice to other stakeholders such as the film industry and the civil society who could have made considerable impacts on enriching and enhancing Hong Kong's global attractiveness. The paradiplomatic power of the HKSAR government has not been persistently pursued in the policy implementations. As the HKSAR government claimed it is committed to upholding the city's international profile and to promote its soft power globally, this study intends to make an original contribution to our understanding of the relations of the city's soft power, paradiplomacy and policy implementations.

The aim of this study is to analyse and describe the role of sub-national governments (SNG’s) in foreign policy and how the conduct of diplomacy has developed in the South African context, and to assess why and how provinces engage in this phenomenon. The theoretical approach to this study is embedded in neo-functionalism. In order to illustrate this, the South African province, the Limpopo Province is used as an illustrative case study. In particular, the study will analyse the role of the International Relations Unit (IRU) within the Office of the Premier (OtP) in the Limpopo Province as a case study. Limpopo is the main focus of this study because it, inter alia, borders on three sovereign states (Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe) which place the province in a good position to engage in international relations, mutual intentions and friendly relations with its neighbouring and other distant countries. The results of this study is that provinces have become important foreign policy and international relations actors in the area of low politics; however the national government remains as the main actor in the international relations and foreign policy making process. The results also indicate that Limpopo is being proactive in facilitating and accelerating the realisation of the foreign policy objectives since provinces engage with international activities that run in parallel with the objectives and principles of the national foreign policy. The study contributes to the literature on SNG’s diplomacy in South Africa. It also lays the foundation for further research in other SNG’s diplomacy especially in Africa by employing other theories that have been ignored including African theories. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

The aim of this study is to analyse and describe the role of sub-national governments (SNG’s) in foreign policy and how the conduct of diplomacy has developed in the South African context, and to assess why and how provinces engage in this phenomenon. The theoretical approach to this study is embedded in neo-functionalism. In order to illustrate this, the South African province, the Limpopo Province is used as an illustrative case study. In particular, the study will analyse the role of the International Relations Unit (IRU) within the Office of the Premier (OtP) in the Limpopo Province as a case study. Limpopo is the main focus of this study because it, inter alia, borders on three sovereign states (Botswana, Mozambique and Zimbabwe) which place the province in a good position to engage in international relations, mutual intentions and friendly relations with its neighbouring and other distant countries. The results of this study is that provinces have become important foreign policy and international relations actors in the area of low politics; however the national government remains as the main actor in the international relations and foreign policy making process. The results also indicate that Limpopo is being proactive in facilitating and accelerating the realisation of the foreign policy objectives since provinces engage with international activities that run in parallel with the objectives and principles of the national foreign policy. The study contributes to the literature on SNG’s diplomacy in South Africa. It also lays the foundation for further research in other SNG’s diplomacy especially in Africa by employing other theories that have been ignored including African theories. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HENRIQUE SARTORI DE ALMEIDA PRADO.pdf: 1393843 bytes, checksum: 65740b84b25a2695bc9be330a0b0e775 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-02 / This dissertation deals with the subject "The insertion of subnational actors in the process of regional integration: the case of MERCOSUL." This study aims to examine the involvement of subnational actors in the process of regional integration, through the paradiplomacy, based on the integrative experience of the Southern area of South America. The research deals with the historical development, characteristics and development of the regional integration process and outlines a comparative study on the constitutional limitations of foreign participation of subnational entities of Member States of MERCOSUL. Finally, this work describes the experiences of subnational integration within MERCOSUL and the concern to justify the action of these actors in the international sphere. / A presente dissertação dispõe sobre o tema A inserção dos atores subnacionais no processo de integração regional: o caso do MERCOSUL . Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar a participação dos atores subnacionais no processo de integração regional, através do instituto da paradiplomacia, tendo como base a experiência integrativa do Cone Sul da América do Sul. A pesquisa dispõe sobre a evolução histórica, características e desenvolvimento do processo de integração regional e traça um estudo comparativo sobre as limitações constitucionais da participação externa dos entes subnacionais dos Estados Parte do MERCOSUL. Por fim, este trabalho descreve as experiências de integração subnacional no âmbito do MERCOSUL e a preocupação em legitimar a ação desses atores na esfera internacional.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-12T18:49:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 8301901 bytes, checksum: 9eb463c2bcaf20c5be4bfaa1b894ca5b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T18:49:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 8301901 bytes, checksum: 9eb463c2bcaf20c5be4bfaa1b894ca5b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-30 / CAPES / The contemporary international scenario, outlined by the paradigm of globalization, is characterized by the admission of new players that can articulate themselves in an interdependent manner. Inserted in the wide range which consists the group of these new players, are subnational governments and their international articulation models that characterize the phenomenon of paradiplomacy. Among the objectives that guided the research, we tried to approach the paradiplomatic phenomenon as a result of changes in the prevailing world order, characterizing it as an effect of the subnational actors‟ behavior in face to the new governance standards. Furthermore, paradiplomacy was framed up as a viable institute for the development of the Brazilian federation‟s constituent units. Therefore, the work was based on a case study with descriptive-analytical character that had as objects of observation the state of Pernambuco and the city of Recife, with their respective models of international insertion and articulation. We took as guiding theoretical referential the literature already produced in the area consisting primarily on the studies by Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours and Prieto. In the present study it was possible to set up the analysis on the efficacy of paradiplomatic activity on two levels: state and municipal through paradiplomacy performed by the two subnational governments already mentioned via autonomous agencies. / O cenário internacional contemporâneo, delineado pelo paradigma da globalização, caracteriza-se pela admissão de novos atores que se articulam de maneira interdependente. Inseridos na ampla gama que constitui o grupo desses novos agentes, encontram-se os governos subnacionais e os modelos de articulação internacional que caracterizam o fenômeno da paradiplomacia. Dentre os objetivos norteadores da pesquisa, buscou-se a abordagem do fenômeno paradiplomático como resultado das transformações na ordem mundial vigente, caracterizando-o como efeito do comportamento de atores subnacionais frente aos novos padrões de governança. Além disso, enquadramos a paradiplomacia como um instituto viável ao desenvolvimento das unidades constituintes da federação brasileira. Para tanto, o trabalho valeu-se de um estudo de caso de caráter descritivo-analítico que teve como objetos de observação o estado de Pernambuco e a cidade do Recife, com seus respectivos modelos de inserção e articulação internacional. Tomou-se como referencial teórico norteador a bibliografia já produzida na área, constituída principalmente pelos estudos de Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours e Prieto. Pelo presente estudo foi possível estabelecer a análise da eficácia da atuação paradiplomática em dois níveis: estadual e municipal, através da paradiplomacia desempenhada pelos dois governos subnacionais supracitados via órgãos autonomamente considerados.

This thesis examines the relation between subnational autonomies, that is to say regional and local authorities and the norms they create, and European Union law. The existence of local and regional autonomies within the various Member States of the EU is a factual truth. We know that they exist and co-exist with other levels of public authority, themselves generating norms. Yet, on its surface European Union law does not devise any substantive understanding of such autonomies. This stands in stark contrast to the relation between the Member States and the EU, which is governed by a complex catalogue of Treaty rules. As a consequence of European integration, however, subnational autonomies and EU law do interact, so that the latter cannot simply ignore the existence of the former. This thesis sets out to determine the contours of their mutual relation through an analysis of EU procedural and substantive law. It uncovers that the relation between subnational autonomies and EU law is multifarious and diverges depending on whether we look at the surface of EU law, that is to say the Treaties, or whether we look below its surface, at the Court of Justice's rich case law or soft law instruments of the Commission. I map this conclusion through a modelling approach, relying on what I term the 'Insider Model' and the 'Outsider Model' respectively. These models underline that, in some areas of EU law, SNAs are seen to be outsiders to the project of European integration whereas other areas recognise SNAs and especially their norms to be the insiders of that project. The coexistence of both models forces us intellectually to rearrange things. It challenges our 'constitutional imagination'. The key to understanding the coexistence of both models can be found in the evolution of EU law itself. While the Outsider Model remains attached to the public international law origins of the EU Treaties, the Insider Model captures the reality that not only States and citizens, but also SNAs, are integrated into the EU legal order.

Submitted by Roberto Gomides (robertogomides@me.com) on 2017-10-17T20:35:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2017-11-17T12:30:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T13:41:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Mestrado_Roberto-Gomides.pdf: 1276792 bytes, checksum: 4d27cb9f423d93e15b9ec8a1a728c15e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-19 / In the past few years, several Brazilian subnational governments have developed an extremely high dependency on royalties revenues from the oil and gas exploration, but the financial flow generated by those revenues keep a strong relation with the several market variables like the Brent price, the level of production and the exchange rate. Despite the fact that revenues may oscillate with the market, it is reasonable to assume that Brazilian public expenditures are inflexible in both short and medium term, so the government´s inertia towards market movements may compromise a sound budget policy. This paper intends to propose a hedge strategy for those revenues complying with restrictions imposed by the Brazilian legal framework. / Nos últimos anos, diversos entes subnacionais brasileiros se submeteram a uma forte dependência das receitas oriundas de royalties e participações especiais provenientes da exploração de petróleo e gás natural. Entretanto, como o fluxo financeiro gerado por essas receitas guarda forte relação com o preço do Brent, nível de produção e câmbio, tal fluxo pode sofrer severas oscilações durante o exercício financeiro. Ocorre que, no Brasil, enquanto que as receitas ficam sujeitas à flutuações, as despesas obedecem a uma rigidez, e, nesse sentido, a inércia dos entes públicos perante aos movimentos do mercado pode comprometer a elaboração de um orçamento equilibrado. Dado o exposto, o presente trabalho visa propor uma estratégia de proteção às receitas em questão, observadas as restrições legais impostas aos entes subnacionais.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-11T17:16:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 46345726 bytes, checksum: c76ae26ee997ff6b19d7275f6f35e60d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T17:16:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - João Ricardo Pessoa Xavier de Siqueira.pdf: 46345726 bytes, checksum: c76ae26ee997ff6b19d7275f6f35e60d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-30 / CAPES / The contemporary international scenario, outlined by the paradigm of globalization, is characterized by the admission of new players that can articulate themselves in an interdependent manner. Inserted in the wide range which consists the group of these new players, are subnational governments and their international articulation models that characterize the phenomenon of paradiplomacy. Among the objectives that guided the research, we tried to approach the paradiplomatic phenomenon as a result of changes in the prevailing world order, characterizing it as an effect of the subnational actors‟ behavior in face to the new governance standards. Furthermore, paradiplomacy was framed up as a viable institute for the development of the Brazilian federation‟s constituent units. Therefore, the work was based on a case study with descriptive-analytical character that had as objects of observation the state of Pernambuco and the city of Recife, with their respective models of international insertion and articulation. We took as guiding theoretical referential the literature already produced in the area consisting primarily on the studies by Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours and Prieto. In the present study it was possible to set up the analysis on the efficacy of paradiplomatic activity on two levels: state and municipal through paradiplomacy performed by the two subnational governments already mentioned via autonomous agencies. / O cenário internacional contemporâneo, delineado pelo paradigma da globalização, caracteriza-se pela admissão de novos atores que se articulam de maneira interdependente. Inseridos na ampla gama que constitui o grupo desses novos agentes, encontram-se os governos subnacionais e os modelos de articulação internacional que caracterizam o fenômeno da paradiplomacia. Dentre os objetivos norteadores da pesquisa, buscou-se a abordagem do fenômeno paradiplomático como resultado das transformações na ordem mundial vigente, caracterizando-o como efeito do comportamento de atores subnacionais frente aos novos padrões de governança. Além disso, enquadramos a paradiplomacia como um instituto viável ao desenvolvimento das unidades constituintes da federação brasileira. Para tanto, o trabalho valeu-se de um estudo de caso de caráter descritivo-analítico que teve como objetos de observação o estado de Pernambuco e a cidade do Recife, com seus respectivos modelos de inserção e articulação internacional. Tomou-se como referencial teórico norteador a bibliografia já produzida na área, constituída principalmente pelos estudos de Soldatos, Paquin, Lecours e Prieto. Pelo presente estudo foi possível estabelecer a análise da eficácia da atuação paradiplomática em dois níveis: estadual e municipal, através da paradiplomacia desempenhada pelos dois governos subnacionais supracitados via órgãos autonomamente considerados.