Submitted by Piero Bastos Gon (cleig@hotmail.com) on 2014-03-27T18:43:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by PAMELA BELTRAN TONSA (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2014-03-27T18:57:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-27T19:00:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação CAPES.pdf: 3134226 bytes, checksum: e83db9ca7aded0f31296918bfcb9cfb1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-26 / The history of the People’s Republic of China and the chinese communist party is a history of conflict between differents organizations and also inside them. Besides this scenario, since Deng XiaoPing there wasn’t any institutional rupture, even with the increase in complexity and number of interests’ groups. Based on the financial system’s reforms and in the long-term funding for local governments, this essay tries to show the different positions from the actors envolved in financial resources allocation, institutional changes and the urbanization project as the core aspect for the new government. These institutional and conflictive aspects between organizations are important because they shape the trade-off that structures the chinese economy and the future policies to be implemented. / A história da República Popular da China e do Partido Comunista Chinês é uma história de conflitos inter- e intraorganizacionais. Entretanto, desde a ascensão de Deng XiaoPing não houve uma ruptura institucional, apesar do número de interesses e a complexidade terem aumentado. Com base nas reformas no sistema financeiro e no financiamento de longo-prazo para os governos subnacionais, pretende-se demonstrar os conflitos que ocorrem entre os diferentes agentes que possuem interesses quanto a alocação dos recursos financeiros, as mudanças institucionais geradas para acomodar as diferentes demandas, e recentemente o projeto de urbanizar a população chinesa como um projeto político prioritário do novo governo. O aspecto institucional e conflitivo entre diferentes organizações provocam um trade-off que estrutura a economia chinesa e as futuras reformas e políticas públicas que serão implementadas.

Submitted by CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA (celso.florencio@jacarei.sp.gov.br) on 2017-09-29T11:19:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-10-03T18:50:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-16T12:27:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CELSO FLORÊNCIO DE SOUZA - Completo.pdf: 2485152 bytes, checksum: fc3620179ebb52d47c4c099d412a5f50 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-29 / This thesis follows the three-article model, having as its background power relations within the federations. The first article talks to the literature on federalism from the perspective of vertical power relations, with a view to understanding the relations between various levels of power. Although there is already a large body of literature on the theme, the theoretical gap of the first article consists of power rearrangements (centralization and decentralization), considering all players and not just this relation between central government and subnational governments. The second article is a reflection on horizontal power relations at the state level, with the following guiding question: “What are the causal conditions that lead some states to have increased political power before their peers?” To do this, two empirical cases of great representativeness were selected: Brazil and the United States of America (USA), analyzed since their independence having the path dependence literature as a basis, considering only causal conditions at the macro level. The third article is also inserted in the horizontal power relations, nevertheless, its analysis field consists in the Brazilian municipalities. The latter have great contemporary relevance, due to their key role in the execution of public policies. / Esta tese segue o modelo de três artigos, tendo como plano de fundo as relações de poder dentro das federações. O primeiro artigo dialoga com a literatura acerca do federalismo pela ótica das relações verticais de poder, com vistas a compreender as relações entre diferentes níveis de poder. Embora já exista ampla literatura relativa ao tema, a lacuna teórica do primeiro artigo consiste nos rearranjos de poder (centralização e descentralização), considerando todos os atores e não apenas essa relação entre governo central e governos subnacionais. O segundo artigo constitui uma reflexão sobre as relações horizontais de poder no plano estadual, com a seguinte questão norteadora: “Quais são as condições causais que levam alguns estados a ter um aumento de poder político perante seus pares?”. Para tanto, foram selecionados dois casos empíricos de grande representatividade: Brasil e Estados Unidos da América (EUA), analisados desde sua independência com base na literatura de rota dependência, considerando apenas condições causais no nível macro. O terceiro artigo também está inserido nas relações horizontais de poder, no entanto, seu campo de análise consiste nos municípios brasileiros. Estes apresentam grande relevância contemporânea, devido ao seu papel fundamental na execução de políticas públicas.

The dawn of democracy in South Africa ushered an increasing need for government to interact with the citizens. This study assesses the use of the state of the province address (SOPA) as a communication platform to keep the citizens abreast of the government programmes and deliverables in Limpopo province, South Africa. SOPA is broadcasted mainly from the legislature whilst the communities can view the proceedings in identified public viewing areas. Since SOPA’s inception, there is limited academic studies conducted on the effectiveness of SOPA in general and public viewing areas in particular. To fill this paucity of research, this study reviewed the government communication strategy with specific reference to government communication and information systems (GCIS) which emphasises on the need for government to interact with stakeholders at all levels. Using communication effectiveness and stakeholder theories (also called Izimbizo), this study evaluated the planning process of SOPA and citizens’ views on the effectiveness of the public viewing areas. In-depth interviews and survey were conducted with campaign planners and Mokwakwaila citizens respectively. Data was analysed using thematic analysis for interviews and descriptive statistics for survey. This study found that the internal planning process of the campaign (SOPA) is accordingly linked to the strategic objectives of the province, but inadequate funding hinders the longevity of the campaign. It is also this study’s finding that whilst citizens found SOPA to be effective they however feel that government does not do enough to source feedback after the campaign. This study recommends that there could be an exploration of the new media utility to produce more awareness about the campaign in order to accommodate audience that do not use radio and newspapers. The implications on campaign planners is that they should conduct feedback to improve public participation in future government programmes / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)