This thesis is an attempt to provide a comprehensive overview of the British withdrawal from the Gulf in 1971, with special emphasis on the Trucial States before it became the United Arab Emirates in December 1971.The work commences with a review of the historical British connection with the Gulf from 1820 to the Kuwait operation of 1961. Then we look at various nationalist movements and the politicai upheaval around the Gulf, such as the Aden and Dhofar rebellions, and how that affected the British presence in the area. The British tried to curb such influence from reaching the Trucial States, especially those of Nasser and the Arab League, by introducing some economic development through the Trucial States Development Office. Furthermore, Britain gradually ceded various responsibilities such as legal and internal security to the rulers. At the same time the British companies working in the Emirates were encouraged to rely on their own resources without the protection of the British troops. The establishment of a federation between the nine emirates was Britain’s prime aim but when that failed in July 1971, the federation of the seven was established (Ras al-Khaimah entered the federation in February 1972). Furthermore, Britain worked hard to bring Saudi Arabia and Iran together in order to help to fill the vacuum that would occur after the withdrawal of the British troops. The latter policy changed Britain's stance on the territorial disputes from support for the rulers of the Trucial States to pressuring them to compromise with Iran over the Islands of Abu Musa and the Tunbs and with Saudi Arabia over Buraimi. The thesis concludes that all of these factors prepared the Emirates to stand on their own and consequently enabled the British withdrawal in December 1971.

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The thesis deals with the Czechoslovak-British relations in 1953-1957. The thesis is divided into the three parts, which are analysing the development in the aforementioned period. Each part has own chapter. These parts are political and diplomatic one, economic one and last but not least cultural one. The political part includes the basic framework of international relations in the aforementioned period, then deals with brief summary of post-war development of mutual political relations. The next main part of chapter mentions the influence of German question and Suez Crisis. The political part concludes with the subchapter about general tendencies of mutual Czechoslovak-British relations. The economic part is opened with the brief introduction of post-war development of mutual political relations. The next main part of chapter is dedicated to some mutual relations in the matter of nuclear power for civilian use. The same as the previous chapter also the economic part is concluded with the subchapter about general tendencies of mutual economic relations. The final cultural part starts with mentions of brief summary of post-war development. The main part of chapter comprises also two subchapters about Whitehaven fund and Lidice Shall Live Committee. The cultural part is concluded again with the...

This thesis considers the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in countering Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda directed at British interests in the Middle East and Africa between 1954 and 1963. It argues that the 1956 Suez Crisis and its fallout was the catalyst that drove a significant expansion of IRD's remit and responsibility. From 1956 the department – which up to this point had had a purely anti-Communist function – was given the responsibility of countering the increasing flow of Arab nationalist propaganda emerging from Egypt. The same year, the Communist powers mounted a renewed and concerted effort to culturally and ideologically penetrate Africa. IRD, who to this point had been excluded from directly operating in Africa, began counter-Communist work in the face of stiff Colonial Office resistance. Analysis of IRD in the Middle East has rarely considered events beyond the immediate aftermath of Suez. IRD's work in Africa is almost wholly unexplored. It is a central contention of this thesis that the two regions cannot be viewed in isolation post-Suez. Egypt's standing was buoyed by the propaganda capital of victory over Suez, and Nasser's position as the figurehead of Arab nationalism was assured. In seeking the removal of colonial influence from the Middle East and Africa, Arab propaganda – particularly the Voice of the Arabs programme of Cairo Radio – ties the regions together. Communist and African nationalist propagandists were drawn to Cairo in the wake of the Suez Crisis. The former, building relationships through aid, sought to leverage Cairo's expanding influence to their own advantage. The latter sought facilities and support for their own propaganda efforts. After Suez, IRD sought to manage Egyptian propaganda whilst avoiding direct confrontation, seeking to normalise relations. In Africa, the department sought to build an infrastructure for information work aimed at influencing future leaders, their efforts constrained by the timetable of British decolonisation. In both regions, through developing relationships with local agencies and the BBC, and from initiatives such as the Transmission 'X' news commentary service, IRD continued to address Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda with a flexibility and responsiveness not recognised in the current literature on IRD.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient. / The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration.

This thesis analyzes key moments from the tenures of Harold Macmillan as British Prime Minister and John Fitzgerald Kennedy as President of the United States. The United Kingdom and the United States had a Special Relationship between them, which was based upon their close political cooperation. Macmillan and Kennedy deepend this relation by their personal friendship, which played a major role in the course of finding solutions to the conflicts they had to face in the context of the Cold War, when there was a real possibility of nuclear annihilation. The analysis shows that the Special Relationship in the years 1957-1963 went through several dynamic developments, however it never lost its unique status. Despite initial distrust between the two countries immediately following the Suez Crisis, both politicians always managed to find a compromise solution. Thanks to their friendship and deep personal respect, they managed to always unite, even during times of gravest peril. A typical example of the personal relationship is the Cuban Missile Crisis, when Kennedy kept in touch via telephone with Macmillan and often asked him for advice. By virtue of this contact, Macmillan became one of the President's principal advisors in the course of the crisis. The Special Relationship between the two countries did...

The main aim of this diploma work is to present the main topics of the soviet geopolitical thinking. The main thesis are presented at the beggining of the work and were influenced mainly by personality of Joseph Stalin. At the end of the first chapter those main goals of the soviet geopolitics are evaluated as well as the role of Stalin for the USSR. The timeline of this diploma work streches from 1953 - 1982 and the main events of this period are mentioned. At the end the role of the three soviet leaders is summarized and their actions evaluated.

The presented thesis is an analysis of American foreign policy thinking applying comprehensive analysis of three presidential administrations. The analysis is embedded in the historical context of the Suez Crisis, and provides a picture of the change in US foreign policy after the Suez Crisis comparing the three foreign policy doctrines related to this particular period of history - D. D. Eisenhower, J. F. Kennedy and L. John Johnson. The foreign policy doctrine represents a particular expression, image of foreign policy of a given state. The American political system is known by several historically and politically significant foreign policy doctrines. The thesis describes how the US foreign policy is created and what leads to the process of formulation of the presedential doctrines. An important element in the background of the analysis is the Cold War itself. Besides the theoretical definition, the work also provides the complex features of the administrations of the three presidents submited to analysis. Part of the characteristic is the analysis of individual foreign policy doctrines that points out the difference among administrations derived from the historical moment of the Suez crisis. The results of the comparison will draw conclusions on the similarity as well as possible differences...

La crise de Suez de 1956 est avant tout synonyme d'une opération militaire menée par les Français et les Anglais, dont l'échec retentissant a sonné le glas de la politique colonialiste des deux États. Mais Suez 1956 représente aussi et surtout un véritable tournant dans les relations internationales pour plusieurs raisons. Tout d'abord parce que, pour la première fois depuis l'avènement de la Guerre froide, l'URSS et les USA vont faire front commun contre les puissances occidentales associées à Israël. Ensuite parce que concomitamment, les Soviétiques répriment l'insurrection hongroise, battant en brèche leur toute nouvelle théorie de la coexistence pacifique. Enfin parce que le Tiers-monde trouve naissance dans cet affrontement, et devient l'objet de conquête idéologique, notamment au Moyen-Orient. En quoi la crise a-t-elle modifié les interactions au niveau diplomatique, l’équilibre des institutions internationales, les relations géopolitiques, les relations bilatérales dans l'univers de la Guerre froide, les relations intra blocs Est-Ouest ? Quelles conséquences la crise aura-t-elle eue sur la stratégie et les objectifs politiques des différents acteurs ? / The Suez crisis of 1956 is generally synonym for a military operation led by the French and the English army, whose resounding failure sounded the end of the colonialist policy of both States. But Suez 1956 represents also and above all a real turning point in the international relations for several reasons. Firstly, because, for the first time since the advent of the cold war, the USSR and the USA are going to join forces against the western powers associated with Israel. Then, because concomitantly, the Soviet power repress the Hungarian revolution, damaging their quite new theory of the peaceful coexistence. Finally, because the Third World finds birth in this confrontation, and becomes the object of ideological conquest, especially in the Middle-East In what did the crisis modify the interactions at the diplomatic level, the balance of the international institutions, the geopolitical relations, the bilateral relations in the universe of the Cold war, the relations intra East-West blocks? What consequences the crisis will generate on the strategy and the policy of the various actors?