Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the fall of 1917, between 30,000 and 40,000 Indianapolis women registered to vote. The passage of the Maston-McKinley partial suffrage bill earlier that year gave women a significantly amplified voice in the public realm. This victory was achieved by a conservative group of Hoosier suffragists and reformers. However, the women lost their right to vote in the fall of 1917 due to two Indiana Supreme Court rulings.

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Pendant la période de la Première Guerre mondiale, les démocraties ont commencé à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Bien qu’il existe certaines exceptions ayant permis aux femmes de voter partiellement ou provisoirement avant 1893, les femmes n’étaient pas officiellement autorisées à voter avant cette date. Au Québec, ce droit n'a été accordé qu'en 1940, ce qui en a fait la dernière province canadienne à accorder le droit de vote aux femmes. Cela soulève des interrogations concernant l’impact de ce retard sur les résultats électoraux en faveur des partis politiques de droite. Ce mémoire entreprend d'évaluer l'impact de l'obtention du droit de vote des femmes sur les résultats électoraux, avec une attention particulière portée sur la province du Québec. Ce mémoire se base sur l’hypothèse postulant que l'obtention du suffrage féminin augmente le soutien aux partis politiques de droite. Cette hypothèse découle d'un cadre théorique plus large envisageant d'autres possibilités, telles que le fait que les femmes pourraient soutenir les partis progressistes ou adopter un comportement politique similaire à celui des hommes engendrant aucune différence dans les résultats du vote. La préférence pour s’attarder aux partis de droite est justifiée par les valeurs et l'influence de la religion catholique au Québec. Deux types d’analyses sont présentées dans ce mémoire, l'une visant à établir si le droit de vote des femmes a eu un impact sur le soutien aux partis de droite à travers les provinces canadiennes, alors que l'autre porte sur le Québec uniquement. L’analyse portant sur les provinces canadiennes utilise des données couvrant la période de 1897 à 1960 alors que la deuxième analyse se concentre sur le Québec en examinant les circonscriptions entre 1927 et 1960. À l’échelle des provinces canadiennes, l'élargissement du droit de vote des femmes semble lié à un déclin du soutien envers les partis de droite. Toutefois, les résultats de l'analyse effectuée au Québec révèlent une tendance opposée au niveau des circonscriptions : les élections qui ont suivi l'obtention du droit de vote ont engendré un soutien accru envers les partis de droite, principalement l'Union nationale. Ainsi, l'hypothèse ne se confirme que dans le contexte spécifique du Québec. / During the period of World War I, democracies began to grant women the right to vote. Although there were some exceptions that allowed women to vote before partially or provisionally 1893, women were not officially allowed to vote before that date. In Quebec, this right was not granted until 1940, making it the last Canadian province to grant women the right to vote. This raises questions about the impact of this delay on the electoral results in favor of right-wing political parties. This dissertation undertakes to evaluate the impact of obtaining the right to vote for women on electoral results, with particular attention paid to the province of Quebec. This thesis is based on the hypothesis postulating that obtaining female suffrage increases support for right-wing political parties. This hypothesis arises from a broader theoretical framework considering other possibilities, such as that women might support progressive parties or engage in similar political behavior to men resulting in no difference in voting outcomes. The preference to focus on right-wing parties is justified by the values and influence of the Catholic religion in Quebec. Two types of analyzes are presented in this dissertation, one aimed at establishing whether women's right to vote had an impact on support for right-wing parties across the Canadian provinces, while the other focuses on Quebec. uniquely. The analysis relating to the Canadian provinces uses data covering the period from 1897 to 1960 while the second analysis focuses on Quebec by examining the constituencies between 1927 and 1960. At the level of the Canadian provinces, the expansion of the right women's voting rate appears linked to a decline in support for right-wing parties. However, the results of the analysis carried out in Quebec reveal an opposite trend at the constituency level: the elections which followed obtaining the right to vote generated increased support for right-wing parties, mainly the Union Nationale. Thus, the hypothesis is only confirmed in the specific context of Quebec.

The main purpose of this study is to provide a re-assessment of the early twentieth century women's suffrage movement, thereby challenging much of the existing historiography of this subject. The approach is based upon the premise that it is not possible to understand the nature and significance of the women's suffrage movement through accounts of the lives of a few of its charismatic leaders. A far broader analytical framework is necessary. This begins with the nature of the arguments about women and their place in society, which were utilised in support of votes for women. It then extends to an analysis of the success gained in conveying such ideas to a wide body of women, who in the case of Britain, if not elsewhere in Europe and North America, were drawn from all social classes. The final step is to assess the impact of the women's suffrage movement upon the broader political system in which it operated. For the eventual success of the movement in gaining votes for women cannot be explained solely in terms of its own internal dynamics. Rather it is necessary to examine the inter-action between the way the various suffrage organisations viewed and related to the current political environment, and the way political leaders and parties viewed and acted in response to suffrage activities. This analytical framework unites two strands of historical research which at present seem to have developed in isolation from each other. That is, it combines the concern of the new feminist historiography with the evolution of modern sex-roles, with the more traditional political and constitutional historians' interest in women's suffrage as a problem for party politics and public order.

The illustrative work of Edward Linley Sambourne for Punch magazine during the period 1901-1910 addresses a myriad of political topics prevalent during the Edwardian period in British history. This thesis examines two of those topics - Women's Suffrage and Socialism - through their artistic treatment by one of Britain's most influential periodicals. Through a study of the historical context and iconography of selected cartoons-of-the-week, one is better equipped to understand and appreciate the meaning, message, and humor in the cartoons. Chapter 1 introduces the Sambourne, Punch magazine, and the Edwardian period in general. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss four Women's Suffrage cartoons and four Socialism cartoons respectively. Chapter 4 draws conclusions regarding Sambourne's techniques as a cartoonist as well as the relationship between the text and image in his illustrations.

The key to Reconstruction for both blacks and whites was black suffrage. On one hand this vote made possible the elevation of black political leaders to positions of prominence in the reorganization of the South after the Civil War. For southern whites, on the other hand, black participation in the Reconstruction governments discredited the positive accomplishments of those regimes and led to the evolution of a systematized white rejection of the black as a positive force in southern politics. For white contemporaries and subsequent historians, the black political leader became the exemplar of all that was reprehensible about the period. Stereotyped patterns, developed to eliminate black influence, prevented any examination of the actual role played by these men in the reconstruction process. This study is partially a synthesis of recent scholarly research on specific aspects of the black political role and the careers of individual political leaders. Additional research included examination of a number of manuscript collections in the Library of Congress and the Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Carolina, state and federal government documents, and contemporary newspapers. On the basis of all these sources, this study evaluates the nature of black political leadership and its impact on the reconstruction process in all the ten states which were subject to the provisions of congressional reconstruction legislation. The topic is developed chronologically, beginning with the status of blacks at the end of the Civil War and their search for identity as citizens. Black leadership emerged early in the various rallies and black conventions of 1865 and early 1866. With the passage in March 1867 of reconstruction legislation establishing black suffrage as the basis for restoration of the former Confederate states, black leaders played a crucial role in the development of the southern Republican party and the registration of black voters. Black influence reached its apex in the constitutional conventions and the subsequent ratification elections of 1868-1869. Blacks were elected to posts in the new state governments in varying numbers, but with increasing political sophistication began to demand a larger voice in Republican party councils and a larger share of public offices. Their resulting prominence fueled a white determination to eliminate the Republican governments which had allowed elevation of black politicians. This study of state political leadership is not a history of the black in the Republican party, nor is it a history of the black masses in Reconstruction. It does examine the role of black leaders and seeks to determine the nature and degree of their influence. The development of black leadership was one facet of building a southern Republican party, and in the tenuous coalition which made up that party the black inevitably became the weakest link because he was the most vulnerable. This study challenges a number of stereotypes. Southern Reconstruction was not a period of "black rule," as both historians hostile to the black leaders and those sympathetic to them have intimated. Nor was the black politician a passive tool to be manipulated at the will of whites. Strong disagreements among black leaders show the weakness of the traditional monolithic picture of black political action. Black leaders had considerable influence in some states and practically none in others. Total failure of black political leadership would have been welcomed by southern whites, but its successes were intolerable. This study traces the development of a leadership whose successes led to its destruction.

This thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that the W.S.P.U.'s strategy choices were unimportant in regard to winning women's suffrage. It confirms the hypothesis that the long-range strategy of the W.S.P.U. was to escalate coercion until the Government exhausted its powers of opposition and conceded, but to interrupt this strategy whenever favorable bargaining opportunities with the Government and third parties developed. In addition to filling an apparent research gap by systematically analyzing these choices, this thesis synthesizes and tests several piecemeal theories of social movements within the general framework of the natural history approach. The analysis utilizes data drawn from movement leaders' autobiographies, documentary accounts of the militant movement, and the standard histories of the entire British women's suffrage movement. Additionally, extensive use is made of contemporary periodicals and miscellaneous works on related movements.

Thesis. 1975. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Bibliography: leaves 353-361. / Ph.D.

This study presents a chronological examination of women's rights activism. The first three chapters cover the origin, growth, and success of the Texas woman suffrage movement. Chapter Four examines the issues of interest to Texas women after the right to vote was achieved, including birth control, better working conditions, unionization, jury duty, and married women's property rights. The last chapters explore the origins, growth, and success of the movement to secure an Equal Legal Rights Amendment to the state constitution, and its immediate aftermath. Sources include manuscript collections, interviews, newspaper and magazine accounts, and government documents.

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