The purpose of this study is to investigate whether organizational factors can influence the success of social movements. This is accomplished through a qualitative comparative case study where the women's suffrage movements, Women's Social and Political Union and Landsföreningen för Kvinnans Politiska Rösträtt are compared. The study also aims to increase the understanding and knowledge of the two movements' organization and exercise to answer the question, why both movements succeeded. The study provides an in-depth picture of how the female suffrage movements worked and the similarities and differences between the movements. Finally, the study finds that the organization of the movements did impact the outcome of the movements and can thus explain the success of WSPU and LKPR.

This essay aims to study the Swedish suffrage movement, LKPR from an emotional historical perspective. How did the activists in the early 1900s relate to emotions, in a time in which women were described as “too emotional” to participate on the public stage? What do the emotions that got expressed actually mean and how could this affect the practical actions of the organisation? Do the activists share an emotional language, simply because they share the same restrictions and goals in life? The study will be formed as a discourse analysis, which will show us the importance of understanding that language and practical actions are interrelated. In time, we will see how the Swedish organisation actually used quite an aggressive rhetorical language, which differs from their practical actions. They used words such as unworthy, threatening, guiltand shame, belligerent, etc. And I came to realize just how willing and well the organisation and the actors within this compound actually adapted their language and the emotions that they described depending on the social, religious and political context that they found themselves to be in. The LKPR:s own journal very rarely held back emotions in any way, while actors within the organization that also wrote in other journals adapted to the preconceptions that could be found within those surroundings and readers. And based on this fact, the language of the LKPR:s actors and journal differs quite a lot from other common newspapers that were published at the same time and that discussed the same kind of issues. I would not hesitate tosay that the language of the LKPR actually does remind quite a lot about the english suffragettś rethorics, and therefore, I will argue, that further studies would gain from studying the relationship between the swedish activists and the english suffragettes, how this relationship affected the language and emotions and the practical actions.

"In an attempt to determine the effectiveness of the political leadership provided by members of an ethnic group, this thesis investigates the Mexican-American electorate in San Antonio and Laredo, Texas. Three variables were studied: the leaders, the followers, and the circumstances under which both operate...Data for this investigation were gathered through personal interviews and from voting records complied by the county clerks of Bexar and Webb Counties. "--leaf 1.

No description available.

This research produces original empirical estimates of Hispanics in Florida’s Dept. of Corrections (FDOC) and uses those estimates to measure the impact felony disenfranchisement is having on Hispanics in Florida. Research institutions find that data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system, particularly in Florida, is either lacking or inaccurate. This research addresses this problem by applying an optimal surname list method using Census Bureau data and Bayes Theorem to produce an empirical estimate of Hispanics in FDOC’s data. Using the Hispanic rate derived from the empirical FDOC analysis, the rate of Hispanics in the disenfranchised population is estimated. The results reveal that FDOC systematically undercounts Hispanics (and overcounts Whites) by nearly 8 percent—i.e., there are over 2.5 times more Hispanics in FDOC data than actually reported by FDOC. However, even when applying the upward adjusted rate of Hispanics to the disenfranchised population, Hispanics are still underrepresented and less likely to be disenfranchised than their White and Black counterparts in Florida. This research provides an accurate up-to-date state of the data with respect to Hispanics in FDOC; it applies a surname method which other researchers can use to address lacking or inaccurate data on Hispanics in the criminal justice system; and it calls into question research that relies on FDOC’s inaccurate race data. Taken together, these findings might facilitate answers to many pressing questions on felony disenfranchisement in Florida and its impact on the political process.

No description available.

Frauenbewegungen in Deutschland stehen für kollektive Bestrebungen von vornehmlich Frauen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auf sozialer, kultureller, rechtlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Differenz der Geschlechter seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zentrale Themen waren und sind u. a. das Recht auf höhere Bildung, das Recht auf Arbeit, Lohngleichheit, Sexualität, Verhütung, Abtreibung, Homosexualität und das Wahlrecht.

This study investigates the first Woman's Department at a World's Fair in the Deep South. It documents conflicts and reconciliations and the reassessments that post-bellum women made during the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition in New Orleans, the region's foremost but atypical city. It traces local women's resistance to the appointment of northern abolitionist and suffragist, Julia Ward Howe, for this “New South” event of 1884-1885. It also notes their increasing receptivity to national causes that Susan B. Anthony, Frances E. Willard, and others brought to the South, sometimes for the first time. This dissertation assesses the historical forces that goaded New Orleans women, from the comfort of their familiar city, to consider radical notions that would later strengthen them in civic roles. It asserts that, although these women were skilled and capable, they had previously lacked cohesive force and public strategies. It concludes that as local women competed and interacted with women from across the country, including those from pioneering western territories, they began to embrace progressive ideas and actions that, without the Woman's Department at the Exposition, might have taken years to drift southward. This is a chronological tale of the journey late-nineteenth-century women made together in New Orleans. It attempts to capture their look, sound, and language from their own writings and from journalists' interpretations of their ideals, values, and emotions. In the potent forum for exchange that the Woman's Department provided, participants and visitors questioned and revised false notions and stereotypes. They influenced each other and formed alliances. Although individuals spoke mainly for themselves, common themes emerged regarding education, jobs, benevolence, and even suffrage. Most women were aware that they were in a defining moment, and this study chronicles how New Orleans women seized the opportunity and created a legacy for themselves and their city. As the Exposition sought to (re)assert agrarian and industrial prowess after turbulent times, a shift occurred in the trajectory of women's public and political lives in New Orleans and, perhaps, the South more broadly. By 1885, southerners were ready to insinuate their voices into the national debate on women's issues.

At the World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, the Woman's Department offered women of all regions of the country an opportunity to exhibit what they considered "woman's work." As women came together and attempted sectional reconciliation, controversy persisted, especially over the selection of northern suffragist Julia Ward Howe, author of the "Battle Hymn of the Republic," as the Department's president. However, during the course of the event, which lasted from December 16, 1884 to May 31, 1885, New Orleanians and other southern women learned skills and strategies from participants and famous women visitors, and these southerners insinuated their voices into the national debate on late-nineteenth-century women's issues.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.