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The intention of this thesis is to draw attention to a much neglected part of women's suffrage history - that is, a comparative analysis of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States. Historians have dismissed any suggestion of similarities between the two groups because' of the obvious differences in size and the time taken to gain the vote. However, this study reveals parallels between the two movements in terms of membership, leadership, ideologies and opposition. This is particularly highlighted in the comparison with Wyoming. These similarities, together with New Zealand women's new found 'prestige' after having won the vote, led to close relations between women of the two countries, as revealed in personal correspondence. By the late l890s United States suffragists had changed direction in both their tactics and arguments for suffrage and this, together with distance and a lack of time and money, meant that New Zealand suffragists aid was confined to emotional support rather than practical assistance. This study was, to a certain degree, limited by the lack of availability of United States primary sources. However, the Kate Sheppard Collection contains a wealth of correspondence between the New Zealand and United States suffragists and provides ample information to support the thesis. Prior to the examination of the interaction of the suffrage movements in New Zealand and the United States, we will first of all begin by considering the broader context of women's role in society. This is will be followed with a study of -the historiography of women's suffrage in Wyoming and New Zealand. We will then proceed to a comparative analysis of the leaders and supporters of the two movements. In New Zealand the women's suffrage and women's temperance organizations were inseparably linked, hence the comparative natured analysis dictates that points for comparison should be made in relation to the temperance origins of suffrage in the United States and New Zealand and to leaders with temperance links.

This dissertation fills a conspicuous gap in the literature on the U.S. woman suffrage movement by developing and testing a model of state woman suffrage success. This model is based on a version of the resource mobilization perspective on social movements which emphasizes the importance of social movement organizations (such as the National American Woman Suffrage Association) as resource-gathering agencies which can exploit the structure of organized politics by mobilizing their own resources and neutralizing those of opponents. Accordingly, this model taps four alternative types of variables used by woman suffrage scholars to explain state success: state political structure, NAWSA mobilization, and liquor and allied interests (opponents of woman suffrage) as well as demographic characteristics.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T14:23:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria_do_Carmo_Arana_de_Aguiar dissertacao.pdf: 2196929 bytes, checksum: ce4a647bbea70199da5e8b40ec5e4bdd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-17 / The absence ofdebate on thesuffrage movementin the stateof RioGrande doSulled us toproposethepresentdiscussionand analyzethe representation of thesuffragette movementin the pressof Rio Grande city trough newspaper Echo do Sulbetween the years1930 to 1934. The time frame1930-1934is justifiedfor being apoliticallyturbulent periodin thehistory of RioGrande doSuland Brazil, but especiallyby the intensification ofdemandsfor women's suffragetoits legalizationin the 1934 Constitution. This studyfocuses on thecity of RioGrandewherethere were severalsignificant changes insociety due toincreasingindustrializationthatwascausingchangesin dailycity. These changeswerestillbeing feltin the first decadestwentieth century, whenduring the GreatWarwasthe needofwomen entering thelabor market. Industrializationand contextpermeatedby warforced manywomento joinquicklyfor thepublic space. This insertionin factorieseventuallyaccelerate the formationofmovements forwomen's rights. Theincreased participation of womenin the public sphere, deniedtothembefore, placed themin evidenceat the sametimeallowed theformation ofpoliticizedorganizationswho cameto claimpolitical rights, such as voting. / A ausência de debate sobre o movimento sufragista no interior do estado do Rio Grande do Sul nos motivou a propor a presente discussão e analisar a representação do movimento sufragista na imprensa rio-grandina através do Jornal Echo do Sul e O Tempo entre os anos de 1930 a 1934. O recorte temporal 1930-1934 se justifica por ser um período conturbado politicamente dentro da história do Rio Grande do Sul e do Brasil, mas principalmente pelo acirramento das reivindicações pelo voto feminino até sua legalização na Constituição de 1934. O presente estudo se foca na cidade do Rio Grande onde ocorreram várias mudanças significativas na sociedade, devido à industrialização crescente que vinha ocasionando mudanças no cotidiano citadino. Essas mudanças foram sendo sentidas ainda nas primeiras décadas do século XX, quando durante a GrandeGuerra ocorreu a necessidade de inserção da mulher no mercado de trabalho. A industrialização e o contexto permeado pela guerra forçou muitas mulheres a ingressarem rapidamente no espaço público. Essa inserção nas fábricas acabou por acelerar a formação dos movimentos em prol dos direitos femininos. A maior participação das mulheres no ambiente público, antes negado a elas, colocou-as em evidência, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilitou a formação de organizações politizadas que vieram a reivindicar direitos políticos, como o voto.

The American Civil War is often framed as exclusively masculine, consisting of soldiers, god-like generals, and battle; a sphere where women simply did not enter or coexist. This perception is largely due to the mobilization of approximately six million men, coupled with the Victorian era which did not permit women to engage in the public sphere. Women are given their place however, but it is more narrowly defined as home front assistance. Even as women transitioned from passive receivers to active participants, their efforts rarely defied gender norms. This thesis looks at Confederate female camp followers who appeared to defy societal conventions by entering the male dominated camps and blurred the lines between men and women’s proper spheres. While camp followers could be expanded to include women of the lower class, including black women, laborers, slaves and prostitutes, only middle and upper class white women are analyzed because they were the ones required to maintain respectability. More specifically, I analyze unmarried women, female soldiers, bereaved women and nurses. Barbara Welter articulated and labeled the concept of public versus private spheres, plus the attributes necessary to achieve respectability as the Cult of True Womanhood. The Cult of True Womanhood demanded that women be pious, pure, and submissive within the domestic sphere. It is with this foundation that the camp followers can be analyzed. Their actions appeared to break with the Cult of True Womanhood, but when they explained in memoirs, newspaper accounts, and journals why they entered the camps, they framed their responses in a way that allowed them to appear to conform to the cult.

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