Este estudo teve por objetivo comparar grupos de mídia ocidentais e não ocidentais no que diz respeito à guerra na Síria, em curso desde 2011, no rastro das chamadas primaveras árabes. Foi realizada uma analises de conteúdo, quantitativa e qualitativa, seguindo parâmetros de Herman e Chomsky em A manipulação do Público (2003), porém adaptados à mídia global. Na divisão dos veículos, utilizou-se o conceito de mídias do fluxo dominante e do contra fluxo, para ilustrar a posição dos grupos analisados em relação ao atual panorama global da mídia. Os resultados apontaram para uma cobertura global da guerra na Síria polarizada, alinhada com interesses geopolíticos, e com maior unidade no Ocidente. Como conclusão, a hegemonia dos conglomerados ocidentais midiáticos ou o fluxo dominante da mídia global ditou a pauta mundial sobre a crise na Síria, em um espaço de disputa com as mídias no contra fluxo. Estas vão buscando expor melhor seus interesses e os de seus países, à medida que a guerra na Síria começa a afetá-los / This study aimed to compare Western media groups and non-Western regarding to the war in Syria, ongoing since 2011, in the wake of the so-called \"arab spring\". An content analysis, quantitative and qualitative was conducted following Herman and Chomsky parameters in Manufacturing Consent (2003), but adapted to the global media. In the groups division, we used the concept of media dominant flow and contra flow (THUSSU, 2007), to illustrate the position of the groups analyzed in relation to the current global panorama of the media. The results showed an overall coverage of the war in polarized Syria, in line with geopolitical interests and greater unity in the West. In conclusion, the Western media hegemony promoted by media Western conglomerates in a dominant flow of global media, dictated an agenda on the Syria crisis, in a space of content with the media in contra flow. These will seeking to better expose their interests and those of their countries, as far as the war in Syria begins to affect them

Après l'apparition de la première génération des projets urbains dans les Pays du Sud et de l'Est de la méditerranée (PSEM), le développement et la formulation des stratégies, outils et normes sont perçus, par les experts et les spécialistes, comme une nécessité absolue pour évoluer la mise en œuvre du développement durable dans les projets urbains, ainsi que l'évolution de sa contribution dans l'action urbaine globale, afin de passer à la « ville durable ». Dans cette perspective, notre thèse se focalise sur le développement de démarches opérationnelles qui permettent de porter une nouvelle réflexion sur la fabrication urbaine en Syrie, et surtout de la ville d'Alep, qui est le terrain d'expérimentation et d'application de cette thèse. Dans ce pays, l'enjeu du développement urbain durable s'est imposé, avant la guerre actuelle, dans les politiques publiques urbaines. Entre les années 2000 et 2011, les autorités nationales syriennes (l'Etat central) et ses instances locales (les autorités publiques locales) ont lancé plusieurs programmes et projets urbains, souvent en collaboration avec des bailleurs du fonds internationaux (Banque Mondiale, GIZ, Union Européenne...).Un des objectifs de cette thèse est de proposer un cadre métrologique à partir des approches françaises de la mise en œuvre des projets de quartiers durables et/ou éco-quartiers, non pas en procédant à un transfert d'expériences totalement inopportunes, mais en effectuant une analyse de la situation de la ville d'Alep, pour la mise en place des outils permettant d'orienter les acteurs locaux de l'aménagement urbain (collectivité locales, bureau d'études, ….) pour la phase post-guerre, et d'accompagner la conception des projets urbains durables à l'interface des problèmes et des enjeux locaux / After the appearance of the first generation of sustainable urban projects in Southern and Eastern Mediterranean Countries (SEMC), the development of strategies, tools and standards are perceived by experts and specialists, as an absolute necessity to move the implementation of sustainable development in urban projects and the evolution of its contribution in the overall urban action to move to the "sustainable city». In this perspective, our thesis focuses on the development of operational procedures that can bring new thinking on urban practices in Syria, and especially the city of Aleppo, which is the experimental site of this thesis. In this country, the issue of sustainable urban development was imposed before the current war in urban public policy. Between 2000 and 2011, the Syrian national authorities (central government) and local authorities have launched several programs and urban projects, often in collaboration with the international donor funds (World Bank, GIZ, European Union ...).One objective of this thesis is to propose a methodological framework from the French approaches to the implementation of sustainable neighborhood projects, not by taking a totally inappropriate transfer of experience, but performing an analysis of the situation of the city of Aleppo, for the implementation tools to guide local actors of urban development ( local community office, .... ) for the post-war, and to support the design of sustainable urban projects at the interface of local problems and issues

Ce travail de doctorat porte sur la xenia en Grande Syrie, du règne de Constantin à celui de Justinien. La comparaison des usages grec et syriaque de la notion d’hospitalité a mis en évidence d’importantes modifications sémantiques qui reflètent des divergences irréductibles entre les conceptions païennes et chrétiennes de l’hospitalité. Cette notion se christianise au cours des IVe-VIe siècles, jusqu’à devenir un objet théologique, apanage des milieux monastiques, syriaques notamment. Mais la christianisation des mentalités implique-t-elle nécessairement une modification profonde des pratiques sociales culturelles de l’accueil et une mutation complète des structures matérielles où se déroulent les activités du recevoir ? L’étude des structures d’hospitalité a révélé la pérennité de la localisation des structures d’accueil à l’échelle du territoire syrien tout au long de l’Antiquité tardive, même si la diversité des solutions adoptées, à l’échelle des structures elles-mêmes, semble témoigner d’un réel attachement aux traditions régionales. Enfin, l’analyse des acteurs de l’hospitalité a révélé que les moines sont loin d’être les seuls acteurs de l’hospitalité en Grande Syrie. Il existe par ailleurs un paradoxe entre le discours normé et universaliste de l’accueil chrétien et la réalité telle que nous pouvons la décrypter. Les liens entre hospitalité et dissidence doivent être envisagés. De nouveaux critères de sélection des hôtes apparaissent à la fin de l’Antiquité. L’hérésie réintroduit l’idée de critères particuliers, ce qui engendre une déconstruction du modèle social et de nouveaux enjeux politiques, lesquels semblent conditionner la naissance de l’Église miaphysite. / This doctoral thesis deals with xenia in Great Syria from Constantine’s reign to Justinian’s. The comparison between the Greek and the Syriac uses of the notion of hospitality brings to light important semantic modifications that reflect irreducible differences between the Pagan and Christian conceptions of hospitality. This notion gets Christianized in the course of the 4th and 5th centuries, to the point of becoming a theological topic, privilege of monastic milieux, particularly Syriac ones. But how far does the Christianization of mentalities necessarily imply a deep modification in cultural and social practices of reception and a complete change in the material structures in which reception activities take place? The study of hospitality structures and facilities reveals the durability of the localization of reception structures at the level of the Syrian territory throughout late Antiquity, even if, at the level of the structures themselves, the diversity of the solutions adopted seems to testify to a real attachment to regional traditions. Finally, the examination of the protagonists of hospitality shows that monks are far from being the only actors of hospitality in Great Syria. Besides, there is a contradiction between the standard universalist discourse of Christian welcoming and reality, as we can decipher it. The links between hospitality and dissidence have to be considered. New criteria of selection of hosts and guests appear in Late Antiquity. Heresy re-introduces the idea of specific criteria into use, which causes the “deconstruction” of the social pattern and new political stakes, which seem to influence the birth of the Non-Chalcedonian Church.

La Syrie est un pays complexe et cela se reflète dans l'histoire de ses constitutions. Avec moins d'un siècle d'existence, la Syrie a connu sept constitutions permanentes, cinq constitutions provisoires, deux constitutions et une charte panarabes, trois arrangements à caractère constitutionnel dont un par référendum et quatre projets de constitutions. Cette multitude de textes à caractère constitutionnel reflète l'intensité de l'histoire politique du pays. Afin de pouvoir les comprendre il faut d'abord en connaître les causes et la finalité. Chacun d'entre eux renvoi à un projet particulier. Les régimes syriens furent très variés (monarchique ou républicains, libéraux ou autoritaires, de droite ou de gauche, militaires ou civils, unioniste ou souverainiste, etc.). Malgré cette diversité, il n'empêche que depuis près de cent ans tous les régimes syriens successifs partagèrent le même Projet National dont les grandes lignes furent tracées par le Pères Fondateurs de la Syrie moderne en 1919, un an après la séparation des provinces arabes de l'Empire ottoman. C'est dans l'optique du Projet National que les premières d'entre elles furent rédigées. Après l'indépendance, le Constituant eut pour souci de réguler les pouvoirs entre l'exécutif et le législatif. L'intervention à répétition de l'armée dans la sphère du politique finit par tourner la page de période de la Syrie libérale et démocratique. Depuis 1963 l'armée et le Baas imposèrent la question sociale et la question nationale dans tous les textes constitutionnels. L'interprétation que firent les régimes baasistes successifs de l'idéologie de leur parti eut un impact sur la politique intérieure et la politique régionale de la Syrie. / Syria is a complex country and this is reflected in the history of its constitutions. In less than a century, Syria has experienced seven permanent constitutions, five temporary constitutions, two constitutions and one pan-Arab charter, three constitutional arrangements one of them by referendum and four projects of constitution. These multiple constitutional texts reflect the intensity of the history of the country. In order to understand these texts, one has to know their causes and their aim. Each one of them relates to a particular project. Syrian regimes were diverse (monarchy or republicans, liberals or authoritarians, right or left, military or civilians, unionist or sovereignist, etc.). Despite this diversity, all Syrian regimes since almost one hundred years have shared the same National Project whose main characteristics were drawn by the Founding Fathers of modern Syria in 1919, one year after the separation of the Arab provinces from the Ottoman Empire. It is within the framework of the National Project that the first constitutions were drafted. After the independence, the aim of the Constituent was to regulate power between the executive and the legislative. The repetitive intervention of the army in politics ended up with turning the page on the period of democratic and liberal Syria. Since 1963, the army and the Baas have imposed the social question and the national question in all constitutional texts. The interpretation that was made by the successive baasist regimes of the ideology of their party has had an impact on the domestic and regional policies of Syria.

This study will focus on examining the probabilities of justifying military interventions. In order to conduct this study, the U.S. will be the subject of interest. The paper will discuss and analyze the case of justifying an intervention by the U.S. in Syria. The analysis will be based on the Just War Theory by the medieval philosopher Thomas Aquinas. To be able to conduct this study, official statements by the US government will be used to understand their reasoning concerning the subject. Mainly, statements will from the current and former heads of state, the American presidents, be analyzed. In the analysis of the paper, the criteria of the Just War Theory will be applied to the U.S. case with the objective to determine if the statements could justify an intervention. The outcome of Discussion and Conclusion reached the result that it would be justifiable for the U.S. to intervene in Syria. However, it becomes clear that the question of legitimate warfare and interventions are more complex than expected.

La thèse s'agit d'un corpus des inscriptions militaires des légions syriennes, la III Gallica, la IV Scythica, la XVI Flavia Firma et la VI Ferrata. Cependant, le manque d’études prosopographiques concernant ces unités m’a encouragé à élargir cette recherche en y ajoutant une étude prosopographique pour chaque légion présentant tous les militaires connus de la légion, selon leur grade, en ordre alphabétique. J’ai essayé dans cette partie de mettre à jour les listes données par E. Ritterling et tous les autres chercheurs intéressés par ce sujet, comme E. Dąbrowa, M.-A. Speidel et H. Devijver. À la fin de chaque grade militaire, j’ai effectué un tableau dans l’ordre chronologique suivi par l’analyse des origines et des cursus honorum. / The thesis is a corpus of the military inscriptions of the Syrian legions, III Gallica, IV Scythica, XVI Flavia Firma and VI Ferrata. However, the lack of prosopographic studies of these units encouraged me to broaden this research by adding a prosopographic study for each legion presenting all known military members of the legion according to rank in alphabetical order. I have tried in this part to update the lists given by E. Ritterling and all other researchers interested in this subject, such as E. Dąbrowa, M.-A. Speidel and H. Devijver. At the end of each military rank, I made a table in chronological order followed by the analysis of the origins and the cursus honorum.

It has become widely accepted that if a state sends troops into another state following a government request, it will not breach the prohibition on the use of force set out in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. This is known as "intervention by invitation." However, it is clearly open to abuse, especially when invoked as a legal justification for intervening in a civil war, allowing allies of ineffective governments to help suppress genuine popular revolts. Thus, many 20th century writers argued that intervention by invitation in civil wars was not lawful, on the basis that it would necessarily breach the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. Several 21st century writers have maintained this position. This thesis will challenge those claims. Its focus will be on the legal limits on intervening in a civil war: the key question being what circumstances, if any, preclude a state from responding to a government invitation to intervene in a civil war. Part I will set out the key doctrinal issues and the scope of the research question, including the definition of a civil war. In contrast to previous studies of intervention by invitation, it will critique the alleged prohibition on intervention in civil wars by analysing its two constituent elements, self-determination and non-intervention, from a historical and theoretical perspective, concluding that neither principle is sufficiently clear in definition or application to support a general prohibition on intervention by invitation. Part II will analyse recent state practice on intervention by invitation, in order to determine whether it is an evolving norm in light of new developments such as the global war on terror and the apparent decline of the effective control doctrine. It will also consider potential limits to intervention by invitation in civil wars in the absence of a general prohibition, such as loss of government status, coercion and the ways in which an invitation can be communicated, and the extent to which these limitations have been challenged or confirmed by recent state practice.

Ce travail de thèse intitulé « Contribution à la connaissance de l’Aurignacien du Levant : analyse typo-technologique des industries lithiques de la séquence de Yabroud II (Syrie) » consiste en un bilan bibliographique sur l’Aurignacien du Levant et une étude typo-technologique de l’importante séquence de Yabroud II. L’objectif premier de cette recherche est de discuter de la définition de l’Aurignacien du Levant. Cette définition sera établie en tenant compte de ce qui est connu pour l‘Aurignacien d’Europe d’une part, de l’Aurignacien du reste du Levant et de l’Ahmarien d’autre part. Nous nous appuierons pour ce faire sur l’approche typo-technologique des industries lithiques. / This thesis paper entitled: “Contribution to the Knowledge of the Levantine Aurignacian: a Typo-Technological Analysis of the Lithic Industries of the Yabrud II Sequence” consists of a literature review on the Levantine Aurignacian and a typo-technological study of the important Yabrud II sequence. The main objective of this research is to discuss the definition of the Levantine Aurignacian. This definition will be established by examining what is known as the European Aurignacian, on the one hand, and what is known as the Levantine Aurignacian and the Ahmarian, on the other. To do so, we will build on the typo-technological approach of the lithic industries.

The purpose with this paper is to analyze the temporal scope of the doctrine of Unwilling or Unable and focus on when the right to use force in self-defense ends. According to the doctrine a State has a right to use force in self-defense towards a non-state actor on another States territory, if the harboring state is Unwilling or Unable to suppress the non-state actor. This paper will first analyze which factors governs the right to use force in self-defense according to the Unwilling or Unable doctrine and secondly the findings will be applied to the situation in Syria, where the United States are using force in collective self-defense on Iraq’s request, towards ISIL. The conflict will be analyzed in three different time periods, 2014, 2016 and 2018 to identify for how long the United States has a right to use force in self-defense in Syria. The conclusion in this paper is that in 2014 and 2016 the United States has a right to use force in self-defense towards ISIL on Syria’s territory according to the doctrine, but in 2018 the circumstances has changed and the United States’ right to use force in self-defense in Syria has ended.

The conservation of cultural heritage responds to the necessities of understanding the site’s history, developments and key values. Archaeological heritage comprises tangible and intangible evidence so conservation operates equally on the two main domains, archaeology and architecture, which are inseparable and feed each other. Moreover, urban dimension is essentially included where the cultural heritage presents interesting urban settings linked to the architectural and cultural values. This thesis addresses all these important issues with the aim to identify, preserve and present the cultural values of archaeological sites in Syria, which are exceptionally rich in representing most of the Western ancient civilisations. The thesis focuses on the City of Ugarit, the capital of an important Bronze Age civilisation. The thesis aims to establish a poignant conservation concept on different scales, ranging from micro single architectural unit, the house, to the macro scale of the entire city. The study probes the ways of employing archaeology and architecture to produce conservation principles and architectural approaches for identifying, preserving and presenting the site’s cultural values. These procedures expose tangible and intangible values of the city, facilitate strong engagement of the visitors with the archaeological ruins, and simultaneously protect the original fabric from the visitation flux. The study is built upon understanding Ugarit’s archaeology, architecture and even social aspects, combining them in the analysis of each key area (Royal quarters, Domestic areas and Temples) to form well-founded interpretations and prioritise values. The proposal eventually combines all studied areas in a comprehensive narrative, which feeds the urban proposal for the whole city. In understanding the very rich and complex sites in Ugarit, a combination of in situ surveys, systematic recording, extensive analysis of literature and archaeological reports, and architectural reading of the fabric are carried out. This framework is a coherent base for the architectural intervention choices, which attempt to balance preservation implications and new materiality. Building virtual models of the proposed interventions enables the test of volumes, materiality, choices and the overall architectural experience. These models present the proposed interventions together with the original ruins. Therefore, the models are a great vehicle to transmit the reality of the conservation proposal and enhance its perception.