The current forced displacement crisis, with over 65 million people in 2017, and more than a third being refugees, means it is higher than since the Second World War. Therefore, integration of external forced migrants (refugees) in host countries is a high priority policy objective of the international community. Yet, the existing refugee regime largely fails in successful integration, including in cases of resettling in perceived ethnic homelands. This thesis comparatively analyses the integration process of Syrian- Armenian forced migrants in the perceived ethnic homeland, Armenia and unrecognised territories of Nagorno-Karabakh, and a regional diaspora centre, Lebanon. The work aims to understand socio-cultural and economic factor impact on the process, and whether some can be regarded as fundamental for the successful outcomes, the role of state and non-state actors in the process, and influence of the psychological state of mind of forced migrants on it. The selection of case studies is ideal for several reasons. First, institutionally, a host-community (the Republic of Armenia and the Lebanese-Armenian diaspora) is interested in newcomers remaining in the country. Second, NGOs play a central role, thus, due to their decades of experience, allowing to facilitate advanced methods of integration. Third, Armenians integrate into their ethnic kin community, thus arguably improving integration chances. Finally, Armenians have been historically skillful in new societal integration, which bodes well for future successful integration. The analysis applies the theoretical framework of migration, diaspora and social identity to empirical findings from fieldwork, state and NGO reports and media information. The key argument of the thesis is that although all factors of integration are closely interrelated, economic integration should be perceived as a defining factor in the overall success. Additionally, I argue that, where problematic economic integration is experienced, cultural differences against the host-society and sense of nostalgia become reinforced, thus slowing integration. Finally, whilst I conclude that economic integration generally improves over time, it is likely that where host-society culture is significantly different, newcomers generally remain a distinctive community, even if within an ethnic homeland.

Why and under what conditions have the Kurds become agents of change in the Middle East in terms of democratization? Why did the Kurds’ role as democratic agents become particularly visible in the 1990s? How does the Kurdish movement’s turn to democratic discourse affect the political systems of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria? What are the implications of the Kurds’ adoption of “democratic discourse” for the transnational aspect of the Kurdish movement? Since the early 1990s, Kurdish national movements in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have undergone important political and ideological transformations. As a result of the Kurds’ growing role in shaping the debates on human rights and democratization in these four countries, the Kurdish national movement has acquired a dual character: an ethno-cultural struggle for the recognition of Kurdish identity, and a democratization movement that seeks to redefine the concepts of governance and citizenship in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The process transformation has affected relations between the Kurdish movements and their respective central governments in significant ways. On the basis of face-to-face interviews and archival research conducted in Turkey, Iraq and parts of Europe, the present work challenges the current narrative of Kurdish nationalism, which is predominantly drawn from a statist interpretation of Kurdish nationalist goals, and argues instead that the Kurdish question is no longer a problem of statelessness but a problem of democracy in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main contributions of this work are three fold. First, the research unfolds the reasons behind the growing emphasis of the Kurdish movement on the concepts of democracy, human rights, and political participation, which started in the early 1990s. Second, the findings challenge the existing scholarship that explains Kurdish nationalism as a problem of statelessness and shifts the focus to the transformative potentials of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria through a comparative lens. Third, this work explores the complex transnational coordination and negotiations between the Kurdish movements across borders and explains the regional repercussions of this process.

This thesis seeks to identify the factors necessary to drive the United States to intervene in a humanitarian crisis. While some scholars have argued that humanitarianism in and of itself is a sufficient reason for an armed military intervention – I challenge this assumption and argue that while the United States can exhibit humanitarian impulses at times, that there are very observable limitations to these impulses. I argue that while humanitarianism can be a factor in the decision to intervene, that ultimately either national interest or another domestic political channel must also fervently push for intervention in order for action to occur. In testing my hypothesis, I examine American foreign policy in four modern humanitarian crises – Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Syria.

Over the last few years, we are seeing an emergence of new food entrepreneurship across the globe. In the context of the Syrian refugee crisis, these food-related social enterprises are not only providing job opportunities to refugees but they are also increasing awareness about their cause and creating new narratives surrounding their arrival. This present study seeks to contribute to the knowledge surrounding refugees and entrepreneurship by explaining how several refugee food enterprises have gained great popularity despite greater nationalism and xenophobia. In the analysis of food entrepreneurship, one finds that this phenomenon is able to partly fill the void of certain organizations and movements by placing food in the role of the mediator. Arguably, food entrepreneurship assists in areas that refugee resettlement agencies do not, as they provide a platform that give refugees agency rather than dealing with them as victims. These agencies address refugee’s agency as business employees, and in some cases, encourage their agency as women. Not only does this reverse the narrative of victimized refugees who need support from their new societies whilst also providing them with income, it also provides an opportunity to politically mobilize around refugee-threatening issues.

Este estudo teve por objetivo comparar grupos de mídia ocidentais e não ocidentais no que diz respeito à guerra na Síria, em curso desde 2011, no rastro das chamadas primaveras árabes. Foi realizada uma analises de conteúdo, quantitativa e qualitativa, seguindo parâmetros de Herman e Chomsky em A manipulação do Público (2003), porém adaptados à mídia global. Na divisão dos veículos, utilizou-se o conceito de mídias do fluxo dominante e do contra fluxo, para ilustrar a posição dos grupos analisados em relação ao atual panorama global da mídia. Os resultados apontaram para uma cobertura global da guerra na Síria polarizada, alinhada com interesses geopolíticos, e com maior unidade no Ocidente. Como conclusão, a hegemonia dos conglomerados ocidentais midiáticos ou o fluxo dominante da mídia global ditou a pauta mundial sobre a crise na Síria, em um espaço de disputa com as mídias no contra fluxo. Estas vão buscando expor melhor seus interesses e os de seus países, à medida que a guerra na Síria começa a afetá-los / This study aimed to compare Western media groups and non-Western regarding to the war in Syria, ongoing since 2011, in the wake of the so-called \"arab spring\". An content analysis, quantitative and qualitative was conducted following Herman and Chomsky parameters in Manufacturing Consent (2003), but adapted to the global media. In the groups division, we used the concept of media dominant flow and contra flow (THUSSU, 2007), to illustrate the position of the groups analyzed in relation to the current global panorama of the media. The results showed an overall coverage of the war in polarized Syria, in line with geopolitical interests and greater unity in the West. In conclusion, the Western media hegemony promoted by media Western conglomerates in a dominant flow of global media, dictated an agenda on the Syria crisis, in a space of content with the media in contra flow. These will seeking to better expose their interests and those of their countries, as far as the war in Syria begins to affect them

A new era of wars and instability have left the world shaken with the civil wars in Syria and Libya. Although there are many similarities with Syria and Libya, the two states did not have the same end due to actions by the United Nations Security Council. Libya resulted in a military humanitarian intervention, while Syria did not. Studies about the Security Council usually focuses on the actions of the Permanent Five members who holds institutional power and influence over the council, mostly due to their quantitative economic and military power, leaving smaller states, the non-permanent members out of research. The point of this study is to fill in the lacuna of the studies on the non-permanent members to see they behave in the council by how they problematize the crisis in Syria and Libya. This paper compares the discourses of Colombia, Portugal and South Africa, three of the non-permanent members of the Security Council between 2011-2012 in how they speak about the decision to intervene in Libya and not in Syria. To conduct my normative study I use Tal Dingott Alkopher’s study on Military Humanitarian Intervention Norms by analysing speeches found in UNSC meeting protocols that regarded Syria and Libya. I do this to find evidence for how these non-permanent members argue for or against norms of intervention. My results show that the non-permanent members are more aligned with intervention norms for Libya rather than Syria.

Au cours de la Néolithisation au Proche-Orient, les bouleversements majeurs survenus au niveau de l’organisation socio-économique des communautés humaines (sédentarisation, agriculture et élevage) se sont accompagnés de changements dans le domaine techno-symbolique. Le présent travail a permis de caractériser l’une des principales manifestations matérielles dans ce domaine, les ornements personnels, à travers l’étude des éléments de parure de six sites syriens couvrant la période entre le 12e et le 6e millénaire avant J.-C. Dans une démarche méthodologique visant à traiter la grande diversité des objets archéologiques, du coquillage à la turquoise en passant par l’os et l’argile, plusieurs protocoles d’identification des matériaux, de classification morpho-typologique et d’analyse tracéologique ont été élaborés. L’analyse des objets de parure selon cette approche intégrative a permis de mettre en évidence l’évolution des formes recherchées et des matériaux utilisés depuis le Natoufien final jusqu’au PPNB récent, mais aussi des développements et des innovations techniques concernant notamment le traitement des roches dures comme la cornaline. Grâce à l’étude des contextes archéologiques et à la reconstitution de certaines parures, les fonctions de ces objets chez les premières sociétés néolithiques ont pu être en partie identifiées. Ainsi, durant le PPNA, les parures pouvaient marquer une appartenance identitaire, parallèlement à des parures « rituelles » qui pourraient être liées à la sphère symbolique propre à cette période. A partir du PPNB moyen les parures sont aussi associées à la mort et à des pratiques funéraires particulières. Les hypothèses proposées par cette thèse ouvrent des perspectives de recherche qui pourront être explorées en élargissant le corpus aux régions adjacentes (Anatolie, Jordanie, etc.) et à des périodes plus récentes. / During the neolithization process in the Near East, alongside the major shifts occurring in the socio-economic organization of the human communities (sedentism, agriculture and husbandry) changes also impacted the techno-symbolic world. The present work aims to characterize and understand one the main material expression in this domain, the personal adornments, by the study of bead assemblages from six Syrian sites dating from the 12th to the 6th millennium cal BC. In order to deal with the great diversity of the archaeological items, e.g. from shell to turquoise beads through bone pendants and clay objects, several methodological protocols of identification, morpho-typological classification and use-wear analysis have been elaborated. The analysis of the beads using this combination of approaches has brought to light the evolution in the conception and use of different shapes, types and materials for this purpose from the final Natufian period to the Late PPNB, as well as the technological development and improvements regarding particularly the transformation of hard stones such as the carnelian. Through the study of the archaeological contexts and the reconstitution of some ornaments, the functions of these objects have been partly addressed. Thus, during the PPNA, the ornaments expressed a social and cultural group affiliation, while from the Middle PPNB onwards they were also associated to the death and to particular funeral rituals. The hypothesis proposed by this work offers promising research perspectives which can be explored by extending the corpus to the adjacent areas (Anatolia, Jordan, etc.) and later periods.

With lessons learned from the 1999 Kosovo intervention as a point of departure, this thesis addresses the question of whether the development of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) doctrine and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) actually made a difference in determining whether and how Europe responded to subsequent mass atrocities in its neighbourhood. Viewing the RtoP as an emerging international norm, a social constructivist framework is applied to explore the influence of norms on European foreign policy-making. It is argued that even an emerging international norm can be influential if it is considered a legitimate behavioural claim. The influence of the RtoP will be assessed by gauging the extent to which it is distinctively used to justify foreign policy decisions and to communicate the basis for those choices to a wider audience. The development of the RtoP and the CSDP from 1999-2011 in theory and practice paves the way for an in-depth case study analysis. Focusing on the UN, the EU as well as French, German and British discourses, the question of whether the RtoP has actually made a difference will be answered by scrutinizing European responses to the Libyan crisis (March – October 2011) and the Syrian crisis (March 2011 – September 2013). Ultimately, light is shed not only on the relevance of the RtoP for Europe but also on the role of the EU as a security actor in its neighbourhood.

By 2018 the war in Syria has been going on for seven years. The conflict has caused the death of hundreds of thousands and has forced more than 11 million Syrians to flee their homes. The responsibility for the huge humanitarian disaster rests on the perpetrators but who has the responsibility to protect? The resolution ’Responsibility to Protect’ [R2P] determines the responsibility to protect on to the international community and the United Nations [UN]. When looking at the large numbers of refugees, wounded and dead the question arises, why hasn't the UN succeed in its responsibility to protect the Syrian people? This case study of the UN:s diplomatic mission and why it has failed to protect the Syrian people rests on the theoretical foundations of resolution R2P, two branches of diplomacy and further the inclusion of women in peacemaking processes. The inclusion of women in the decision-making peace processes are highly important to gain a holistic perspective and an enduring peace according to several available sources. Available data reveals, however, that the numbers of women included in the peace process in Syria are rather low and when women are included they are in a position of advocacy, not decision-making. The essay’s conclusion establishes the prospects for peace in Syria as quite low due to the poor preconditions. Further, the essay finds that the international community through the UN possesses the necessary framework, and bears the responsibility for the Syrian people due to the Syrian government's atrocities committed against its people. The UN:s diplomatic strategy are by the Secretary-General Special Envoys characterized by humanitarian diplomacy, but unfortunately, all attempts by the UN or any other actor to the time of writing have been without success.

L’arrivée d’un nouveau matériau et d’un nouvel artisanat s’accompagne toujours de profondes transformations dans la société qui l’adopte. Notre étude porte sur l’introduction de la technologie du bronze en Syrie-Mésopotamie, sur sa diffusion progressive et sur ses incidences sociales durant toute l’histoire proche-orientale du quatrième au second millénaire. Cet artisanat, consistant, dans sa définition simple, en la mise au point d’un alliage de cuivre et d’étain, est arrivé très tôt dans cette région pourtant dénuée de tout minerai. Les vestiges archéologiques et les données textuelles révèlent la rapidité des transformations qui en découlèrent, touchant la structure sociale et les mentalités et s’accompagnant de nouvelles conceptions dans l’organisation de l’habitat. / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished