The Transatlantic Trade Investment Partnership (TTIP) was a large trade deal that was negotiated between EU and the US under the years of 2013 and 2019. The negotiations for TTIP started with big expectations for both actors but ended without any succeeded agreement. The purpose of this study is therefore to investigate how this trade deal ended in failure despite the big commitment from these two negotiators.  To achieve this purpose, the study was designed accordingly to the theory of Two-level games. A theory that claims that international agreements depends on the domestic political situation. Focus was for that reason put on identifying changes in the political situation in EU and the US.  The method process tracing was then introduced to help identify these kinds of changes. Based on this method, the study found three possible changes that could have stopped the talks of TTIP: The opposition in EU, Brexit, and Donald Trump. To conclude how these three transformations affected the negotiations, evidence describing these three events was collected and thence tested in different process tracing tests. The results of the process tracing tests found that both Brexit and Trump had affected the talks negatively. Moreover, was the study also able to conclude that trade policy of Donald Trump was the factor that lastly ended the negations of TTIP.

Multilateral trade negotiations within the World Trade Organization have reached a stalemate but there are new trade agreements being currently negotiated, either on bilateral or multinational basis. This thesis deals with two current major trade initiatives, the Trans-Pacific Partnership between the United States and eleven Pacific countries and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership which includes the United States and the European Union. The thesis uses a comparative analysis to assess economic as well as geopolitical implications of the two trade agreements for the United States. The most apparent geopolitical aspect is the effort of the United States to write the rules of trade for the 21st century before China does so. In regards to economic implications, the thesis works with a concept of intra-industry trade and based on it assesses the possible economic effects on the United States economy, especially in regards to productivity and transactional costs on labor market. Both of the agreements have many critics and their future is not clear. This thesis argues that in certain economic and geopolitical aspects, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is more beneficial and strategic for the United States.

(English) In the field of international law, the negotiated agreement between the EU and the US - TTIP - is a major source of law. In addition, its intended scope should encompass the provisions on investment protection. However, during the course of the bilateral negotiations, there was a leak of information which revealed that the agreement should include provisions of the dispute settlement mechanism that do not differ in its substantial aspects from those which are and have been incorporated into bilateral investment agreements between States. Therefore, in the process of investment disputes initiated under the TTIP agreement, the major influence would have had the provisions of international conventions which set out the rules for the functioning of the International Investment Tribunals - the Convention of the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes and the Arbitration Rules of the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law. However, given that both the general public and professional circles have long expressed concerns that question the very legitimacy of the international investment arbitration, this fact have been accepted with great disrespect. This was particularly, because of the previous practice of decision-making in the investment disputes, which...

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) should have been a 'game- changer' and a boost for the EU economy by creating more jobs and growth in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. By eliminating the remaining trade barriers, it would have established a transatlantic trade area connecting the two most powerful economies in the world. This Master's thesis utilizes four concepts of the neo-Marxist theory: key premises of the Amsterdam School, State theory of Bob Jessop and Nicos Poulantzas, combines Ulrich Beck's notion of risk society with Antonio Gramsci's role of intellectuals, and outlines the premise of commodification as a part of political ecology. The theoretical neo-Marxist prism facilitates the mapping of the crucial social agents functioning as the proponents of the TTIP agenda as a hegemonic project and those forces opposing the deal as a counter-hegemonic movement. This thesis reveals how the TTIP agreement was legitimized by the proponents but issues of transparency and other contradictions revolving around the deal attracted the attention of various civil society organizations (CSOs) that were concerned about TTIP's impact on public health and environment. Three empirical cases focusing on the precautionary principle (PP), endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs),...

This diploma thesis is focused on deepening of the transatlantic economic relations between countries, which form European Union nowadays and USA, since the end of the Second World War until the present time. Result of these deep transatlantic relations on every level is negotiation of unique agreement TTIP. Thesis analyses current state of bilateral trade between EU and USA, with subsequent utilization of three different, but closely interconnected economies of Slovakia, Czech Republic and Germany and their trade with USA, which will be then compared with projected impacts of TTIP agreement on these economies and their trade, GDP and unemployment. TTIP agreement is being presented in detail in this thesis as well its basic draft, motives of both negotiating sides and also the critical topics, which slow down the whole negotiations.

This thesis focuses on analysis of the shifting role of the state in the context of globalization processes and aims to explain acting of the state in a bilateral cooperation, as an actor who faces these challenges. This framework is afterwards examined on the transatlantic economic cooperation. Main argument is, that in the bilateral cooperation, such shifts can be observed, that are intertwined with greater interactions of components of the states. These transgovernmental networks can be considered inevitable in response to the rising significance of non-tariff barriers and in trade liberalization. In case of the EU-US partnership, the cooperation on this level is focused on harmonizing of regulatory measures what is crucial for further integration of the transatlantic economic relations.

Transatlantic relations have a long tradition but their current state has recently come into question. This thesis is concerned with the contemporary foreign policy of the United States of America towards the European Union, focusing mainly on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) which has been under negotiation since July 2013. The first chapter provides the theoretical and methodological framework, explaining how the American political system and foreign policy construction work and suggesting how these can be analyzed. The following chapters deal with the TTIP itself, using mainly the sub-state level of analysis. Chapter 2 explains the overall agenda of the TTIP, analysing America's goals in the negotiations and the TTIP's possible impact on transatlantic relations. Chapter 3 investigates the role and goals of state actors in the ongoing negotiations, namely of the president of the United States; Congress and the United States Trade Representative and State Department. Chapter 4 is based on analysis of non-state actors involved in or affected by the TTIP negotiations.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is a proposed comprehensive trade and investment agreement between the European Union and the United States of America. This Master's thesis applies Robert D. Putnam's Two-Level Game Theory to the TTIP negotiations, as well as analyses the activities and influence of various stakeholders and factors within the EU and USA that have put pressure on the chief international negotiators and contributed to the freeze of the TTIP negotiations process. This thesis reveals that the anti-TTIP arguments of the second-level stakeholders in the European Union and United States differed. The European stakeholders opposed to TTIP because they thought that it would harm EU's relatively higher standards; consumer safety; environment; and agricultural market. They also claimed that TTIP's negotiations process was non-transparent, and they protested against the inclusion of the Investor-State Dispute Settlement Mechanism (ISDS). Their anti-TTIP campaigning was also supported by the presence of anti-American sentiments in the EU. In the USA, the main barriers to TTIP negotiations started with decision of the Congress to grant President Barack Obama the so called Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), because it is frequently designated as unconstitutional and...

In der vorliegenden Arbeit sollen Argumente und Vorurteile bezüglich der Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren untersucht werden. Dafür wurden zugehörige Thesen gebildet, welche im Laufe der Arbeit entweder bestätigt oder widerlegt werden. Als Instrument dafür dient eine quantitative Analyse historischer Falldaten. Die Arbeit unterteilt sich in verschiedene Themenkomplexe, denen jeweils passende Thesen zugeordnet wurden.:1. Einleitung 2. Allgemeines zu Schiedsverfahren 2.1 These 1 - Die Anzahl der Investor-Staats-Schiedsverfahren in den letzten Jahren stark angestiegen. 2.2 These 2 - Investor-Staats-Schiedsverfahren sind deutlich schneller als herkömmliche Gerichtsverfahren. 3. Verteilung von Klägern und Angeklagten 3.1 These 3 - Investor-Staats-Schiedsverfahren sind ein Instrument für Unternehmen aus reichen Ländern zur Ausbeutung von ärmeren Ländern. 3.1.1 These 3.1 - Es existiert ein Nord-Süd-Gefälle: Unternehmen aus dem Norden verklagen in erster Linie die Länder aus dem Süden. 3.1.2 These 3.2 - „Eine Krähe hackt der anderen kein Auge aus“ – Investoren aus reichen Staaten verklagen keine anderen reichen Staaten. 3.1.3 These 3.3 - Die USA dominiert die Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren. 4. Bilaterale Investitionsschutzabkommen (BITs) 4.1 These 4 - Bilaterale Investitionsschutzabkommen waren der Katalysator für die Entwicklung von Investor-Staats-Schiedsverfahren. 4.2 These 5 - BITs sorgen für Gleichberechtigung zwischen den Partnern im Bereich der Investor-Staats-Schiedsverfahren. 5. Entscheidungen der Schiedsgerichte 5.1 These 6 - Um zu mehr Klagen anzuregen, entscheiden die Schiedsgerichte tendenziell pro Investor. 5.2 These 7 - Kläger aus Industrieländern gewinnen im Schnitt öfter als Kläger aus ärmeren Ländern. 5.3 These 8 - Urteile von Schiedsgerichten sind unumstößlich. Eine Revision ist nicht möglich. 6. Schadenersatzzahlungen bei Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren 6.1 These 9 - Die hohen Schadenersatzforderungen und – Zahlungen ruinieren die angeklagten Länder. 6.2 These 10 - Selbst bei Sieg vor Gericht – die Staaten bleiben auf den Kosten sitzen. 7. Weitere Thesen 7.1 These 11 - Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren gefährden den Umweltschutz. 7.2 These 12 - Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren sind intransparent. 8. Fazit Literaturverzeichnis

The developed countries, heavily impacted by the economic and financial crisis of 2008, signaled the recovery with negotiations on two major international trade agreements, The Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TPP and TTIP, respectively). The establishment of trade agreements may minimize the effects of protectionist policies of countries/blocks, eliminating or reducing existing barriers, thus stimulating the increase in trade among member countries of such agreements. The TPP and TTIP imply the reduction of tariffs and non-tariff barriers between member countries, the United States case. Thus, competition with Brazil will tend to increase in many products, case of the chicken meat, in which the United States occupies the first position in world production, while Brazil positions itself as the largest exporter of the commodity. From this new trade matrix, the present study aims to examine the possible impacts of the Transpacific and Transatlantic agreements on the Brazilian chicken meat market. The methodology derives from a Spatial Equilibrium Model as a Mixed Complementarity Problem (MCP), based on five alternative scenarios, which aimed to highlight possible changes in the market of chicken meat from the implementation of new trade agreements. The first scenario simulates the formation of the TPP with the reduction of tariff barriers, while the second scenario presupposes the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers. Regarding the TTIP, scenarios 3 and 4, it is assumed the reduction of tariff barriers as well as the elimination of tariff barriers and technical constraints; in the fifth scenario was considered the simultaneous occurrence of the two agreements, through the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers. The results indicate that, in general, with the implementation of both agreements the Brazilian chicken meat market may invariably bring losses, particularly in relation to production, consequently, affecting producers' prices and surpluses. The most damaging scenarios for Brazil are the formation of the TPP in its broadest form, based on the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers, as well as the simultaneous formation of the agreements, in which the country show a net loss in welfare. From this, we emphasize the importance of negotiating trade agreements to ensure the industry conditions of expansion and access to new markets, As well as greater rigor in matters related to animal health, inspection and certification, aspects of a technical nature that have great potential to distort trade flows internationally. / Os países desenvolvidos, fortemente impactados pela crise econômica e financeira de 2008, sinalizaram a recuperação a partir de negociações de dois grandes acordos no comércio internacional, a Parceria Transpacífico e a Parceria Transatlântica de Comércio e Investimento (TPP e TTIP, respectivamente). A constituição de acordos comerciais possivelmente minimizam os efeitos das políticas protecionistas dos países/blocos, eliminando ou reduzindo as barreiras existentes, estimulando assim o aumento do comércio entre os países-membros de tais acordos. O TPP e o TTIP implicarão na redução de tarifas e barreiras não tarifárias entre os países-membros, caso dos Estados Unidos. Assim, a concorrência com o Brasil tenderá a aumentar, em muitos produtos, caso da carne de frango, no qual o país norte-americano ocupa a primeira posição na produção mundial, enquanto que o Brasil posiciona-se como maior exportador da commodity. A partir desta nova matriz de comércio, o presente estudo tem por objetivo examinar os possíveis impactos da implementação dos acordos Transpacífico e Transatlântico sobre o mercado de carne de frango brasileiro. A metodologia deriva de um Modelo de Equilíbrio Espacial na forma de um Problema de Complementaridade Mista (PCM), baseando em cinco cenários alternativos, cujo objetivo foi evidenciar possíveis mudanças no mercado da carne de frango decorrentes da implementação de novos acordos comerciais. O primeiro cenário simula a formação do TPP a partir da redução das barreiras tarifárias, já o segundo cenário pressupõe a eliminação das barreiras tarifarias e não tarifárias. Em relação ao TTIP, cenários 3 e 4, pressupõe-se a redução das barreiras tarifarias como também a eliminação das barreiras tarifárias e restrições técnicas; num quinto cenário considerou-se a ocorrência simultânea dos dois acordos, por meio da eliminação das barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias. Os resultados indicam que, de maneira geral, com a efetivação de ambos os acordos o setor de carne de frango brasileiro, pode invariavelmente trazer prejuízos, principalmente no que se refere à produção e, em consequência, afetando os preços e os excedentes dos produtores. Os cenários mais prejudiciais ao Brasil consistem na formação do TPP em sua forma mais ampla, baseando-se na eliminação das barreiras tarifárias e não tarifarias, como também na formação simultânea dos acordos, nos quais o país apresenta perda líquida de bem estar. A partir disso, ressalta-se a importância da negociação de acordos comerciais para garantir ao setor condições de expansão e acesso a novos mercados, assim como maior rigor nas questões relacionadas à saúde animal, fiscalização e certificação, aspectos de natureza técnica que tem grande potencial de distorção dos fluxos de comércio internacionalmente.