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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A presente pesquisa comparativa mostra por que ao longo do século XX se consolidou o sindicalismo docente de base na Argentina, no Brasil e no México e explica as particularidades nacionais desse processo. A categoria sindicalismo docente de base, desenvolvida no contexto da presente investigação, pretende captar um fenômeno que aparece com clareza na segunda metade do século XX: as organizações de professores tem reivindicações fundamentalmente trabalhistas, legitimidade para organizar medidas coletivas de pressão sobre os governos (particularmente greves) e, além disso, a base da categoria tem uma importante gravitação sobre as entidades que pretendem representá-la. A comparação histórica e sociológica permite identificar três processos sucessivos que foram fundamentais para a afirmação do sindicalismo docente de base: a propagação das associações da categoria, a implantação das organizações na base docente e, finalmente, a consolidação do sindicalismo docente de base. Esses processos constituem conjunturas críticas e as características particulares que as práticas sindicais adquiriram nesses contextos tendem a se reproduzir basicamente por dois mecanismos: a tradição sindical e a regulamentação estatal da atividade sindical e do trabalho docente. As práticas sindicais docentes são estruturadas pelas características dos professores e das suas condições de existência. Também são mediadas pelas particularidades das organizações docentes, pela tradição sindical e pela ação governamental perante a atividade reivindicativa e associativa dos trabalhadores. A reconstrução desses elementos estruturantes e dessas mediações contribui para explicar quando as conjunturas críticas aconteceram e quais características particulares apresentaram. No México, a situação política geral e a relação que estabeleceram os quadros docentes com os governos pós-revolucionários em particular, permitiram uma rápida consolidação das associações docentes e uma implantação na base através do Estado na primeira metade do século. Também nesse período, no México, o professorado perdeu parcialmente as suas características femininas e o confronto com as autoridades como forma de pressão coletiva legitimou-se. Isso contrasta com os outros países, nos quais a organização da categoria se generalizou sem apoio estatal decisivo. A concentração da categoria em escolas e cidades fortaleceu a afirmação do sindicalismo docente de base cujas consequências já podem ser vistas nos três países em finais da década de 1950. Nesse contexto, as organizações docentes argentinas se implantaram na base (depois de que falisse a tentativa do governo de implantar o sindicalismo docente através do Estado), mas as brasileiras não. As organizações brasileiras só se implantariam na base após 1978. Processos que na década de 1950 já estavam em desenvolvimento (como a consolidação do professor como trabalhador de base de sistemas burocráticos dirigidos por especialistas, a regulamentação e burocratização da carreira, a perda de importância das recompensas simbólicas como incentivo para exercer o professorado) e outros que apareceriam nas décadas seguintes (como a incorporação crescente da mulher no mercado de trabalho, a radicalização do movimento estudantil e o recrutamento do professorado entre as camadas mais pobres da população) explicam a consolidação do sindicalismo docente de base entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980 / This comparative research shows why grassroots teacher unionism consolidated in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico during the 20th century, and explains the national characteristics of this process. The category grassroots teacher unionism describes a phenomenon in which teachers have the legitimacy to pressure government, particularly through strikes, to meet their labor demands; labor demands become the principal concern of teacher associations, and school teachers assume a position of greater influence within teacher associations. Historical and sociological comparison facilitates the identification of three consecutive processes by which grassroots teacher unionism establishes itself: the proliferation of teacher organizations, the expansion of the presence of these organizations within schools, and finally the entrenchment of unionism of the teacher base within the teacher workforce. These processes constitute critical junctures and the particular characteristics which union practices acquire within these processes tend to reproduce themselves through two mechanisms: union tradition and the state regulation of union activity and of teachers careers. Teacher union practices are structured by who teachers are and how they live. These practices are also mediated by the particularities of teacher organizations, union tradition, and government action responding to teacher demands. These structuring elements and mediations explain both the timing and the particular characteristics of the critical junctures in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. In México, the political climate in the beginning of the 20th century and most importantly, the relationship that teacher leadership established with the post-revolutionary governments, allowed for rapid proliferation and expansion of teacher associations presence within schools. Concomitantly, in México, more males entered the teaching profession, the teaching profession partially lost some of its feminine characteristics, and more aggressive forms of collective action became legitimate. This contrasts with Brazil and Argentina, where state support was not crucial for the proliferation of teacher organizations. The increased concentration of teachers in schools and cities strengthened grassroots teacher unionism. The consequences of this phenomenon can be identified in the three countries in the late 1950s. In Argentina teacher organizations succeeded in expanding their presence in schools, but Brazilian organizations did not. Teacher organizations in Brazil only expanded their presence within schools after 1978. The entrenchment of grassroots teacher unionism is a result of processes already at work in the 1950s in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, such as the bureaucratization of the teacher workforce, and later processes, such as the increased incorporation of women into the labor market, the radicalization of the student movement, and the recruitment of teachers from lower economic classes

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A presente pesquisa comparativa mostra por que ao longo do século XX se consolidou o sindicalismo docente de base na Argentina, no Brasil e no México e explica as particularidades nacionais desse processo. A categoria sindicalismo docente de base, desenvolvida no contexto da presente investigação, pretende captar um fenômeno que aparece com clareza na segunda metade do século XX: as organizações de professores tem reivindicações fundamentalmente trabalhistas, legitimidade para organizar medidas coletivas de pressão sobre os governos (particularmente greves) e, além disso, a base da categoria tem uma importante gravitação sobre as entidades que pretendem representá-la. A comparação histórica e sociológica permite identificar três processos sucessivos que foram fundamentais para a afirmação do sindicalismo docente de base: a propagação das associações da categoria, a implantação das organizações na base docente e, finalmente, a consolidação do sindicalismo docente de base. Esses processos constituem conjunturas críticas e as características particulares que as práticas sindicais adquiriram nesses contextos tendem a se reproduzir basicamente por dois mecanismos: a tradição sindical e a regulamentação estatal da atividade sindical e do trabalho docente. As práticas sindicais docentes são estruturadas pelas características dos professores e das suas condições de existência. Também são mediadas pelas particularidades das organizações docentes, pela tradição sindical e pela ação governamental perante a atividade reivindicativa e associativa dos trabalhadores. A reconstrução desses elementos estruturantes e dessas mediações contribui para explicar quando as conjunturas críticas aconteceram e quais características particulares apresentaram. No México, a situação política geral e a relação que estabeleceram os quadros docentes com os governos pós-revolucionários em particular, permitiram uma rápida consolidação das associações docentes e uma implantação na base através do Estado na primeira metade do século. Também nesse período, no México, o professorado perdeu parcialmente as suas características femininas e o confronto com as autoridades como forma de pressão coletiva legitimou-se. Isso contrasta com os outros países, nos quais a organização da categoria se generalizou sem apoio estatal decisivo. A concentração da categoria em escolas e cidades fortaleceu a afirmação do sindicalismo docente de base cujas consequências já podem ser vistas nos três países em finais da década de 1950. Nesse contexto, as organizações docentes argentinas se implantaram na base (depois de que falisse a tentativa do governo de implantar o sindicalismo docente através do Estado), mas as brasileiras não. As organizações brasileiras só se implantariam na base após 1978. Processos que na década de 1950 já estavam em desenvolvimento (como a consolidação do professor como trabalhador de base de sistemas burocráticos dirigidos por especialistas, a regulamentação e burocratização da carreira, a perda de importância das recompensas simbólicas como incentivo para exercer o professorado) e outros que apareceriam nas décadas seguintes (como a incorporação crescente da mulher no mercado de trabalho, a radicalização do movimento estudantil e o recrutamento do professorado entre as camadas mais pobres da população) explicam a consolidação do sindicalismo docente de base entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980 / This comparative research shows why grassroots teacher unionism consolidated in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico during the 20th century, and explains the national characteristics of this process. The category grassroots teacher unionism describes a phenomenon in which teachers have the legitimacy to pressure government, particularly through strikes, to meet their labor demands; labor demands become the principal concern of teacher associations, and school teachers assume a position of greater influence within teacher associations. Historical and sociological comparison facilitates the identification of three consecutive processes by which grassroots teacher unionism establishes itself: the proliferation of teacher organizations, the expansion of the presence of these organizations within schools, and finally the entrenchment of unionism of the teacher base within the teacher workforce. These processes constitute critical junctures and the particular characteristics which union practices acquire within these processes tend to reproduce themselves through two mechanisms: union tradition and the state regulation of union activity and of teachers careers. Teacher union practices are structured by who teachers are and how they live. These practices are also mediated by the particularities of teacher organizations, union tradition, and government action responding to teacher demands. These structuring elements and mediations explain both the timing and the particular characteristics of the critical junctures in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. In México, the political climate in the beginning of the 20th century and most importantly, the relationship that teacher leadership established with the post-revolutionary governments, allowed for rapid proliferation and expansion of teacher associations presence within schools. Concomitantly, in México, more males entered the teaching profession, the teaching profession partially lost some of its feminine characteristics, and more aggressive forms of collective action became legitimate. This contrasts with Brazil and Argentina, where state support was not crucial for the proliferation of teacher organizations. The increased concentration of teachers in schools and cities strengthened grassroots teacher unionism. The consequences of this phenomenon can be identified in the three countries in the late 1950s. In Argentina teacher organizations succeeded in expanding their presence in schools, but Brazilian organizations did not. Teacher organizations in Brazil only expanded their presence within schools after 1978. The entrenchment of grassroots teacher unionism is a result of processes already at work in the 1950s in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, such as the bureaucratization of the teacher workforce, and later processes, such as the increased incorporation of women into the labor market, the radicalization of the student movement, and the recruitment of teachers from lower economic classes

Submitted by NATÁLIA DORINI DE OLIVEIRA null (nataliadorinioliv@gmail.com) on 2018-03-26T23:25:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Natália Dorini de Oliveira.pdf: 745981 bytes, checksum: 9062f0500a458f4cc3f784622cf7b4bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-27T13:44:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_nd_me_mar.pdf: 798328 bytes, checksum: 333bfa765cd0393c0d57ed30fb6bd973 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-27T13:44:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_nd_me_mar.pdf: 798328 bytes, checksum: 333bfa765cd0393c0d57ed30fb6bd973 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-26 / Não recebi financiamento / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e analisar a História e Memória da ADUNESP, primeira associação docente criada após o golpe de 1964. Fundada em junho de 1976, seis meses após a unificação dos Institutos Isolados de Ensino Superior (IIES) transformados em universidade, a ADUNESP configurou-se como um movimento de resistência às medidas autoritárias tomadas na gestão universitária da UNESP, assim como contra o regime ditatorial brasileiro. A pesquisa teve como recorte histórico os anos entre 1976 e 1985, ou seja, desde sua fundação até o início do processo de abertura política brasileira. A partir da consciência de classe dos docentes, o sindicato reivindicou melhorias nas condições de trabalho, no salário e buscou espaço para a participação na gestão da universidade, lutando pela democracia, contrariando a ordem vigente. Também se mobilizou e participou de processos políticos que estiveram ligados à resistência contra a ditadura brasileira, constituindo-se como sujeito político coletivo. Para tanto, esta escrita pauta-se em processos históricos: o contexto externo engloba a polarização mundial entre capitalismo e socialismo real e suas consequências na América Latina, como os golpes militares; o contexto interno engloba o campo político e educacional, e a história da ADUNESP – fundação e organização, somados à história do sindicalismo docente, por meio de jornais, panfletos, fontes bibliográficas, e algumas entrevistas com personalidades que fizeram parte da ADUNESP. Usando como base teórica o materialismo histórico dialético, buscou-se compreender professores universitários sindicalizados por meio da ADUNESP como uma categoria social. / The aim of this project is to present and analyze the History and Memory of ADUNESP, the first labor union created after the 1964 coup d’état in Brazil. Founded in July 1976, six months after the unification of the Institutos Isolados de Educação Superior (Isolated Institutes for Higher Education) transformed into university, ADUNESP became a resistance to the authoritarian measures taken at UNESP’s management, as well as to the Brazilian dictatorial regimen. The research focused on the period of 1976-1985, that is, from the coup d’état to the beginning of the country’s re-democratization. Based on the professor’s class consciousness, the labor union called for better working conditions and better wages as well as more faculty influence in the university management, fighting for democracy and going against that time’s establishment. It also mobilized forces and took part on political processes related to the resistance to the dictatorial regimen in Brazil, becoming a collective political subject. This dissertation is based on historical processes: the international context brings the world polarization between capitalism and real socialism and its consequences to Latin America such as military coup d’états; domestically, it covers the fields of politics and education, and the history of ADUNESP – it’s founding and organization connected to faculty unionism through magazines, leaflets, bibliographical references and interviews with personalities who were part of ADUNESP’s staff. Using dialectical historical materialism as the theoretical basis, this project studies university professors as a social category.

The purpose of this study was to explore and understand school-based teacher unionism by conducting an empirical analysis of the views and experiences of stakeholder groups in a Gauteng district. Participants saw the role of teacher unions at school level as being the protection of their members. Principals and SGB members and some SMT members thought school based unions protected teachers from being disciplined. Defending of teachers or members was seen as one of the most important roles of teacher unions. This was seen as important because it will ensure that the rights of teachers are not trampled upon especially by school principals. While school principals recognised the rights of union members to join union and the right of unions to organise in the schools they thought that they were unduly and wrongly defending bad teachers. This article also argues that principals were never adequately trained on how to manage union existence at schools. Most participants thought that the role, responsibility and right of teacher unions at school level could not be overlooked. However they still felt that this was emphasised over the rights of other stakeholder groups in the schools especially the learners. Principal and teacher participants, most notably SADTU members, expressed dissatisfaction with their union and did not seem to think that it plays a constructive role in schools. It is argued in this article that teachers’ unions play a role in schools and that this role is either positive or negative. This article is based on my research of school based teacher unionism in one Gauteng district. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-11-30T16:58:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luís Roberto Beserra de Paiva.pdf: 6176892 bytes, checksum: 1bbad2eba8ce7575475fed0a49b5849a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T16:58:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luís Roberto Beserra de Paiva.pdf: 6176892 bytes, checksum: 1bbad2eba8ce7575475fed0a49b5849a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-30 / Higher education is , in most countries , responsible for the basic education teacher training , so the changes processed in the first are directly reflected on the whole education system to pass on the training of teachers. In education , in particular , working conditions equivalent to the teaching conditions , so in this work we understand the various levels of education as integrated and co-dependent with each other.In the late twentieth century, Latin American governments have taken the neoliberal ideology that drastically changed role of the state and public policy. Call neoliberal proposals for higher education, especially public universities, as contrarreforma since undermine the principles that guided the University Reform of Córdoba (1918) - university autonomy, university government shared by the community, gratuitousness, the public character, hiring teachers through competition - and thus causing damage to freedom of thought and knowledge production. Worsening conditions of teaching and research, which in many circumstances coincide with the working conditions, was accompanied by measures to intensified exploitation and control of the teaching activity (proliferation of precarious work, high productivity, loss of rights). Interviewed twenty-five (25) professors from four countries (Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), to report their perceptions of the processes that guided the implementation of the university contrarreforma and resistance of their professional category. We use also the material produced by dozens of unions and parassindicais we visited, as well as universities, government agencies, the World Bank, local media and literature production researchers on the university teacher unionism in each country. Systematize a description of these various tables and prepared a comparative analysis identifying common elements and distinct trajectories of university teachers union entities. / La educación superior es , en la mayoría de los países , responsables de la formación inicial docente de educación , por lo que los cambios procesados en la primera se reflejan directamente en todo el sistema educativo para transmitir la formación de profesores . En la educación , en particular , condiciones equivalentes a las condiciones de la enseñanza de trabajo , por lo que en este trabajo entendemos los distintos niveles de la educación como integrada y co - dependientes entre sí .A finales del siglo XX, los gobiernos latinoamericanos han adoptado la ideología neoliberal que cambió drásticamente el papel del Estado y las políticas públicas. Nombramos a las propuestas neoliberales para la educación superior, especialmente las universidades, públicas, como la contrarreforma ya socavar los principios que guiaron la Reforma Universitaria de Córdoba (1918) - la autonomía universitaria, el gobierno universitario compartido por la comunidad, la gratuidad, el carácter público, la contratación de profesores a través del concurso - y causando así daños a la libertad de pensamiento y la producción de conocimiento. Empeoramiento de las condiciones de enseñanza y de investigación, que en muchos casos coinciden con las condiciones de trabajo, fue acompañada de medidas para la intensificación de la explotación y el control de la actividad docente (proliferación del trabajo precario, alta productividad, pérdida de derechos). Hemos entrevistado a veinticinco (25) profesores de cuatro países (Argentina, Brasil, Colombia y México), para informar de sus percepciones de los procesos que guían la aplicación de la contrarreforma universitaria y la resistencia de su categoría profesional. Utilizamos también el material producido por decenas de sindicatos y organizaciones parassindicais que visitamos, así como universidades, agencias gubernamentales, el Banco Mundial, los medios de comunicación locales y la producción de investigadores de la literatura sobre el sindicalismo docente universitario en cada país. Hemos sistematizado una descripción destos diversos cuadros y un análisis comparativo para identificar elementos comunes y distintos de las trayectorias y peleas de los sindicatos de profesores universitarios. / O ensino superior é, na maior parte dos países, responsável pela formação dos professores da educação básica, assim, as transformações processadas no primeiro se refletem diretamente sobre todo sistema de ensino por meio da formação dos professores. Na educação, mormente, as condições de trabalho equivalem às condições de ensino, portanto, neste trabalho entendemos os diversos níveis de ensino como integrados e codependentes entre si. No final do século XX, os governos latino-americanos assumiram o ideário neoliberal que alterou drasticamente papel do Estado e as políticas públicas. Denominamos as propostas neoliberais para o ensino superior, em especial para as universidades públicas, como contrarreforma, uma vez que atentam contra os princípios que nortearam a Reforma Universitária de Córdoba (1918) – autonomia universitária, governo universitário compartilhado pela comunidade, gratuidade, caráter público, contratação de docentes via concurso – e assim ocasionando prejuízos à liberdade de pensamento e produção de conhecimentos. O agravamento das condições de ensino e pesquisa, que em muitas circunstâncias coincidem com as condições de trabalho, veio acompanhado por medidas que intensificaram a exploração e o controle da atividade docente (proliferação do trabalho precário, produtivismo, perda de direitos). Entrevistamos vinte e cinco (25) professores universitários de quatro países (Argentina, Brasil, Colômbia e México), para relatar suas percepções sobre os processos que pautaram a implementação da contrarreforma universitária e a resistência de suas categorias profissionais. Recorremos ainda ao material produzido por dezenas de entidades sindicais e parassindicais que visitamos, bem como de instituições universitárias, órgãos governamentais, Banco Mundial, mídia local e a produção bibliográfica de pesquisadores sobre o sindicalismo docente universitário de cada país. Sistematizamos uma descrição desses diversos quadros e elaboramos uma análise comparativa identificando elementos comuns e distintos das trajetórias e embates das entidades sindicais docentes universitárias.

Ce mémoire se penche sur la co-construction du rapport au travail et au syndicalisme des enseignant·e·s du secteur scolaire québécois membres d’un syndicat local affilié à la Fédération autonome de l’enseignement (FAE). D’une part, il pose le problème de « l’impasse » du syndicalisme nord-américain (MacDonald 2014) dans l’optique d’une métamorphose de « l’esprit du syndicalisme » (Goldthorpe et al 1972). D’autre part, il opère un dialogue entre les conceptions de la citoyenneté de Christopher McAll (1999, 2009) et la thèse de Rolande Pinard (2000, 2008 ; 2018) quant à la mutation du sens social-politique (ouvrier ou syndical) au profit de l’invention managériale de la catégorie de l’emploi. En mobilisant le concept de rapport au travail et l’approche compréhensive de la perspective des parcours de vie et professionnels (Côté 2013 ; Demazière 2019), il (re)construit les expériences de travail et syndicales de trois des neuf enseignant·e·s rencontré·e·s afin de dégager les significations que ces personnes octroient à leur travail ainsi qu’au syndicalisme. L’analyse des matériaux de recherche confirme partiellement la thèse de Pinard. Elle démontre que la catégorie de l’emploi occupe une place déterminante dans l’appréhension du syndicalisme chez les participant·e·s. Par ailleurs, en se saisissant exclusivement du regard « d’en bas », c’est-à-dire des expériences des membres non-élu·e·s (MNE) et des personnes déléguées (PD), l’analyse déployée dans ce mémoire permet également de saisir la transversalité et la singularité des événements, activités et rencontres interpersonnelles qui façonnent, dans l’espace et dans le temps, le rapport au travail et au syndicalisme des personnes enquêtées, lesquels sont traversés par des rapports de pouvoir (intra et inter syndicaux) ainsi que trois univers sociosémantiques : 1) celui de la famille ; 2) celui de la gestion/pensée experte et 3) de la religion. Trois figures ont été pensées pour illustrer les situations et réalités sociales qui modulent le rapport au syndicalisme des enseignant·e·s interrogé·e·s : 1) celle du syndicat presque-fantôme et la notion d’illusion syndicale ; 2) celle du syndicat-manager et 3) celle du syndicat-taylorisé. / This dissertation examines the co-construction of the relationship to work and unionism among teachers in the Quebec school sector who are members of a local union affiliated with the Fédération autonome de l'enseignement (FAE). On the one hand, it poses the problem of the "impasse" of North American unionism (MacDonald 2014) from the perspective of a metamorphosis of the "spirit of unionism" (Goldthorpe et al 1972). On the other hand, it operates a dialogue between Christopher McAll's (1999, 2009) conceptions of citizenship and Rolande Pinard's (2000, 2008; 2018) thesis on the mutation of the social-political meaning (worker or trade union) in favour of the managerial invention of the employment category. By mobilizing the concept of relationship to work and the comprehensive approach of the life-course and career perspective (Côté 2013; Demazière 2019), it (re)constructs the work and union experiences of the teachers met in order to identify the meanings that they attribute to their work and to unionism. The analysis of the research materials partially confirms Pinard's thesis. It shows that the employment category plays a decisive role in the participants understanding of unionism. Moreover, by looking exclusively from "below", i.e. from the experiences of non-elected members (MNEs) and delegates (PDs), the analysis in this dissertation also makes it possible to grasp the transversality and singularity of the events, activities and interpersonal encounters that shape, in space and time, the relationship to work and trade unionism of the persons surveyed, which are traversed by power relationships (inside and between trade union) as well as three socio-semantic universes: 1) related to family; 2) management/expert thought and 3) religion. Three figures have been thought to illustrate the social situations and realities that modulate the relationship to unionism of the teachers interviewed: 1) that of the near-ghost union and the notion of union illusion ; 2) that of the union-manager and 3) that of the taylorized union.