Submitted in fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Education in the Department of Educational Psychology in the Faculty of Education at the University of Zululand. = Afr: Proefskrif voorgele ter nakoming van die Vereistes vir die Graad Doctor Educationis in die Departement Opvoedkundlge Sielkunde van die Fakulteit Opvoedkunde aan die Universiteit van Zoeloeland, 1994. / Eng = The aim of this study was to determine whether white teachers maintain certain perceptions regarding the black teacher's occupational world as life-world. From the literature study it became clear that the implementation of the policy of separate development caused black and white teachers to exercise their professions separately and therefore had little or no opportunity for professional contact. Separate subsystems of education, each with it's own standard, caused black and white teachers to form different perceptions of one another's occupational worlds. Resistance to the policy of separate development influenced the education system and led to the crisis in black education. Education became the battlefield of political ideologies. This crisis culminated in the Soweto uprisings of 1976. Both pupils and teachers took to unacceptable behaviour such as stay-aways, strikes, and boycotts in order to accomplish certain political goals. In order to determine white teachers perceptions of the black teachers occupational world, an empirical study was undertaken. The content of the self structured questionnaire dealt with certain relevant aspects of the teachers occupational world. From this research it became clear that white teachers are of the opinion that the black teacher's training is not always of a high professional standard and that black teachers often act in an unprofessional manner. Results from the empirical research indicated that white teachers have a very limited knowledge of the black teacher's occupational world as life-world. As a result of the findings of this research certain recommendations were made: * A Council for Teachers must be established. * All teachers must be compelled to register with the recommended Council. * All curricula for both the training of student teachers and permanentteachers who wish to improve their qualifications, must be accredited with the Council for Teachers. * All teachers must undergo a period of internship. * All teachers must be professionally equipped for a new education dispensation. With this research an effort was made to establish certain recommendations in order to improve the relationship between black and white teachers in a new educational dispensation. It is trusted that this study on teacher perceptions will eventually lead to a better quality of education for all the children of South Africa. Afr =Die doel van hierdie studie was om vas te stel of wit onderwysers sekere persepsies rakende die beroepswereld as leefwereld van swart onderwysers huldig. Uit die Iiteratuurstudie het dit geblyk dat die implementering van die beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling daartoe gelei dat swart en wit onderwysers hulle professies apart moes beoefen en gevolglik min geleentheid tot professionele kontak gehad het. Afsonderlike substelsels vir onderwys, elk met eiesoortige standaarde het veroorsaak dat wit en swart onderwysers sekere persepsies van mekaar se beroepswerelde gevorm het. Verset teen die beleid van afsonderJike ontwikkeling wat na die onderwys oorgespoel het, het swart onderwys in 'n krisis gedompel. Onderwys het die politieke slagveld van ideologiese doelwitte geword. Hierdie krisis het in die Soweto-opstande van 1976 gekulmineer. Nie net het leerlinge hulle aan onaanvaarbare gedrag begin skuldig maak nie, maar onderwysers het hulle ook al hoe meer tot onprofessionele gedrag 5005 wegbly-aksies, stakings en boikotte gewend ten einde sekere doelwitte te bereik. Ten einde die aard van die wit onderwysers se persepsie van die swart onderwyser se beroepswereld te bepaal, is 'n empiriese ondersoek deur middel van 'n selfgestruktureerde vraelys onderneem. Die inhoud van die vraelys het gehandel oar sekere aspekte van die onderwyser se beroepswereld. Uit die ondersoek het dit geblyk dat die wit onderwyser van mening is dat swart onderwysopleiding nie van hoogstaande professionele gehalte is nie en dat swart onderwysers hulle dikwels aan onprofessionele gedrag skuldig maak. By die verwerking van die statistiese data het dit geblyk dat wit onderwysers 'n beperkte kennis en insig rakende die swart onderwyser se beroepswereld as leefwereld het. Op grand van die bevindinge van die ondersoek word die volgende aanbevelings gemaak: * * * Oat die daarstelling van 'n Raad vir Onderwysers oorweeg sal word. Oat daar van alle onderwysers in die toekoms verwag sal word om by 'n Raad vir Onderwysers te registreer. Oat alle kurrikula vir die opleiding van onderwysers by die Raad vir Onderwysers geakkrediteer sal word. Met hierdie navorsing is daar gepoog om aanbevelings te maak wat die verhouding tussen wit en swart onderwysers in 'n nuwe onderwysbedeling sal verbeter. Die hoop word uitgespreek dat die verbetering van die swart onderwyser se kwalifikasies sy professionele gedrag sal bevorder en uiteindelik tot 'n beter gehalte onderwys vir al die kinders van Suid-Afrika mag lei.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of Natal, 1990.

The concept of teacher-activism is not new, but activism has generally been framed as human actions or characteristics. This study frames activist practices as non-material affective bodies, defined broadly as something with the power to affect and be affected by other bodies. This power to affect and be affected is what imbues a body with agency. Thus, activist practices are non-material bodies that have agency. The purpose of this study was to explore how the affective bodies of activist practices move across cultures, spaces, and places, and how the practices exert agency as they move. Using multisensory ethnographic methods, this study followed three teacher-activists in their classrooms and at other activist endeavors, in order to sense the effects each teacher’s activist practices had as they exerted their agential powers. Undergirded both by humanist ethnographic methods and post-humanist theories of affect that highlight the ordinary, this study acknowledges the need for the human, even as non-human bodies are the focus. Using an analytical process of rhizomatic mapping the affective forces of the activist practices, this study explored what the practices do to and for each teacher-activist. Information sources for this mapping process included ethnographic fieldnotes, observations and interviews, writing exercises, and voice memos. The findings of this study suggest that considering affects in teacher education for an activist identity may provide a more expansive definition for who constitutes a teacher-activist, spaces in which activism operates, and what actual activist practices can be. It also suggests that attention to affects may make tangible the intangibles of teaching; specifically, the ways in which students are moved by things that seem inconsequential, such as fleeting emotions, ideas, pedagogies, curricula, and classroom decorations. Methodologically, this study adds to an increasing body of empirical studies that support the notion that humanist and post-humanist methods can coexist, and that the contradictions can open, rather than foreclose, possibilities for thinking about what data can do

"Let knowledge serve the city" reads the golden letters on a pedestrian bridge just 200 feet from my faculty office in Neuberger Hall at Portland State University. Public peace scholarship might allow knowledge to help the polis by keeping it out of war via changing the national discourse toward a strong and informed peace analysis. Educators have an uneasy relationship to public scholarship and mainstream media have a nervous attitude toward public peace intellectuals. Institutions of higher learning are also often either unaware or uncomfortable with a public promotion of a positive peace platform. Academic writing and research is hard to translate into publicly accessible knowledge and time constraints mitigate professorial efforts at such civic engagements. This dissertation looks at the evolving nature of this intersectionality between and among factors and analyzes data derived from research interviews conducted with 12 academics/activists. The conclusion is a grounded theory generated by this process. Key findings include problematic lack of academic freedoms--especially in the promotion and tenure context, overwhelming faculty workloads, infrequent faculty development of public scholarship skills and a spotty distribution/connection system that often fails to facilitate competent and willing faculty to engage as public peace and justice scholars. Policy recommendations attempt to address all these obstacles.

When the national Democratic Party began to transform to progressive era politics because of the New Deal, conservative reactionaries turned against the social welfare programs and used red scare tactics to discredit liberal and progressive New Deal Democrat professors in higher education. This process continued during the Second World War, when the conservatives in Texas lumped fascism and communism in order to anchor support and fire and threaten professors and administrators for advocating or teaching “subversive doctrine.” In 1948 Texas joined other southern states and followed the Dixiecrat movement designed to return the Democratic Party to its original pro-business and segregationist philosophy. Conservatives who wanted to bolster their Cold Warrior status in Texas also played upon the fears of spreading communism during the Cold War, and passed several repressive laws intended to silence unruly students and entrap professors by claiming they advocated communist doctrine. The fight culminated during the Civil Rights movement, when conservatives in the state attributed subversive or communist behavior to civil rights organizations, and targeted higher education to protect segregated universities. In order to return the national Democratic Party to the pro-business, segregationist philosophy established at the early twentieth century, conservatives used redbaiting tactics to thwart the progressivism in the state’s higher education facilities.

This thesis explores academic propaganda in the first two years of the First World War, examining the activity of the university men in Britain and Germany who were left behind when their students went to the Front. Using pamphlets and manifestoes, it seeks to highlight the way the War split the international academic community and the creation of a debate which examined not only the causes of the War, but the reasons for which the nations were fighting. By exploring the propaganda organisations of both countries, as well as the academic milieu in which the subjects of this thesis worked, it hopes to provide the context within which this propaganda was created, before turning to an examination of the content of the propaganda - an aspect which has often been overlooked in propaganda studies. The investigation of the content looks first at the outbreak of war and the reaction of the academic community to a shock which shook their community. It then turns to the arguments expounded on culpability for the War, and the ideals for which each side felt they were fighting, illustrating the shift in emphasis from a political war to an ideological conflict between two opposing world views. Finally, the thesis considers perceptions of the War in the early years of the conflict, and the way in which it was seen both as a panacea to overcome social divisions and a catharsis which would lead the way to a new world - ideas which would provide the foundation for later war aims. In taking this comparative approach, the aim is to provide new insights into a fascinating and relatively little-known aspect of the history of the First World War.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.