In an effort to better understand the motivations behind perceived biases in the US cable news industry, 72 hours of CNN, FOX, and MSNBC during the week preceding the 2006 congressional election were analyzed. First- and second-level agenda-setting theories are used to examine how long and in what way federal politicians are portrayed. The results indicate distinct differences in political presentations between the three networks.

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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

The purpose of this research was to determine the aural and visual issues present in televised political campaign advertising of the 1972 Presidential election year. Content analysis was the method employed to determine these issues. The campaign commercials of George McGovern and Richard Nixon were the subject of the analysis. The issues coded were Social Welfare, Natural Resources, Labor, Management, Civil Rights, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Government, Public Order, Defense, Republicans, and Democrats. The results show that the campaigns used issues appearing in network news coverage, the percentage of time each campaign spent on the issues, and that the aural content was supported by the visual images in the commercials.

The objective of this thesis is to make a comparative study of President Nixon’s use of television during his two presidential campaigns. Specific emphasis will be placed on Nixon’s use of television in both of the political campaigns. The final objective of this thesis is to record for future researchers one presidential candidate’s use of television, in two political campaigns for the presidency. One of the campaigns he lost by a narrow margin of the vote, and the second one he won by a small percentage of the popular vote. The accomplishment of the objectives will answer the questions; How was television used in President Nixon’s two presidential campaigns? How did it vary in the two presidential campaigns of 1960 and 1968? This thesis is not intended to deal with some of the other questions that might be asked about the two campaigns, such as how did Nixon’s relationship vary with the press, or how did he use the modes of proof in his television speeches.

崔瑋. / "2006年9月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 132-141). / "2006 nian 9 yue" / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Cui Wei. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 132-141). / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 / 湖南電視爲硏究個案：變革中的中國省級電視 --- p.2 / 結構槪述 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧與理論綜述 / Chapter 第一節： --- 文化全球化的議題 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二節： --- 中國傳媒商業化與傳媒改革 --- p.20 / Chapter 第三節： --- 相關理論參考 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三章 --- 硏究問題與硏究方法 / Chapter 一： --- 硏究問題和硏究範疇 --- p.34 / Chapter 二： --- 硏究意義 --- p.36 / Chapter 三： --- 硏究方法 --- p.38 / Chapter 第四章 --- 中國電視政治經濟格局與湖南電視 / Chapter 一： --- 政治經濟改革中的中國省級電視：從宣傳工具到文化產業 --- p.41 / Chapter 二： --- 中國電視市場的體制結構與央視的壟斷 --- p.45 / Chapter 三： --- 湖南電視的體制與生產經營結構 --- p.49 / Chapter 第五章 --- 硏究發現：政治經濟矛盾變遷中的湖南電視改革 / 第一階段：拔河期 --- p.56 / 第二階段：市場爲主導的“保護色´ح期 --- p.61 / 本章小結 --- p.81 / Chapter 第六章 --- 硏究發現：文化全球化下的本土化創新 / Chapter 一： --- 本土化創新發生的環境以及政經條件 --- p.84 / Chapter 二： --- 全球文化對本土電視節目的影響 --- p.87 / Chapter 三： --- 本土化創新的過程和模式 --- p.94 / Chapter 四： --- 本土化創新循環的模型 --- p.100 / Chapter 五： --- “本土化´ح後的市場 --- p.102 / 本章小結 --- p.113 / Chapter 第七章 --- 硏究解讀：文化全球化與湖南電視 / Chapter 一： --- “麥當勞´ح文化與傳媒政治經濟關係 --- p.114 / Chapter 二： --- 文化全球化提升黨辦電視商業化 --- p.119 / Chapter 三： --- 解讀變革中的組織傳媒產品的回饋與互動 --- p.122 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總結和討論 / 硏究總結 --- p.125 / 討論 --- p.128 / 參考文章和書目 / 英文 --- p.133 / 中文 --- p.139 / 附錄 / 附錄一：湖南廣電大事時間脈絡表 --- p.143 / 附錄二 ：深度訪談人員名錄 --- p.144 / 附錄三：湖南衛視參考資料 --- p.146 / 附錄四：《超級女聲》參考資料 --- p.148

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media and Philosophy, Department of International Communication, 2009. / Bibliography: p. 431-447. / Introduction -- Literature review -- Methodology -- The development and the actual situation of television industry in China -- Commercial television in the U.S. and public television in the U.K. -- Results and discussion -- Conclusions and recommendations -- Bibliography. / Over the past five decades, China's television industry has gone through various historical periods, which have seen marked changes in China's political and economic spheres, indeed in Chinese society overall. Over the last thirty years, since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, transformation of the original television systems, structure and industrial market chain has been attempted concomitant with the gradual relaxation of the restrictions applicable to China's television industry. Within these circumstances, the Chinese government, media practitioners, and scholars are actively exploring long-term, feasible and sustainable approaches to the further development of the television industry in China. The research examines China's approaches to the development of its television industry, using McQuail's political, economic and social framework, the relevant political economy traditions involving the neoclassic paradigm and the heterodox approach, and the principles of media economics and the 'market chain' theory of the television industry. This thesis first presents a concise review of how television developed in China: it then seeks to map perceived changes and to ascertain the problems throughout the process. Research methods employed are secondary data analysis, in-depth interview and focus group. Chinese scholars, officials and media practitioners are the participants of interviews and focus groups. The discussion draws on previous analyses and discussions, to assess the overall picture of television industrialisation reformation in China, additionally drawing on discourses surrounding commercial television in the United States and public television in the United Kingdom for valuable reference material that will support China's television development. The significance of this research lies in its providing an insight into China's television reformation and adding, to the field of communication and development, the Chinese experience. The research expects to propose a television development pathway with Chinese characteristics, drawing on Chinese as well as Western theories. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / xix, 461 p. ill

Political advertising on television is a relatively “new” phenomenon in South African general election campaigns (circa 2008). The purpose of this study is to analyse and compare the three sampled 2009 and 2014 African National Congress (A.N.C.) political television advertisements, with a specific focus on the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric in the communication of election campaign messages. To achieve this goal, the study reviewed literature in the subject of rhetoric and post-colonial perspectives in the areas of Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism, focusing specifically on the seminal work of the Afro-centrist, Molefi Asante, and the anti-Western-centric scholar, Samin Amin. The study uses social semiotics (as both a theoretical approach and a research methodological framework). As a theoretical approach, the social semiotic approach was conceptualised by Valentin Voloshinov (1973) and Michael Halliday (1978), and it argues for the creation of social meaning within a text and within a society. The study focuses on the former, the creation of meaning within a text, that is, the content of the three sampled political advertisements. As a research framework, the approach was adapted by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (1996). The study favours their social semiotic research method which provide the interpreter/researcher with dimensions, or “tools’, with which to explicate and deconstruct textual meanings. Thus, in this study, social semiotics as part of the broader field of discourse analysis, was used to deconstruct the latent and manifest ideologies of the non-verbal, verbal and visual rhetoric of two 2009 and one 2014 A.N.C. political television advertisements. Using this combined theoretical framework (rhetoric, social semiotics and Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism), and, research approach, it could be determined whether the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of these three A.N.C. political television commercials represents Afrocentric and/or Eurocentric post- colonial The main findings of the study show that both the visual and verbal rhetoric of the sampled A.N.C. political television commercials represents a combination of a varying ideological constructs, namely the “nationalist”; “socialist”; “liberal feminist”; and, “liberal capitalist ideologies” (cf. Haywood 1998; Thompson 2003). Furthermore, the findings of the study point out that the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of the selected A.N.C. political television commercials, are neither exclusively Afrocentric nor Eurocentric in nature. Both post-colonial perspectives are represented, in varying degrees, in the sampled A.N.C. commercials. The study makes a significant contribution to the political communication landscape in South Africa, in that, it is an exclusively qualitative content analysis, as opposed to previous, quantitative content-analysis studies (cf. Fourie 2008; Fourie & Froneman 2003; Fourie & Froneman 2001). It is also important to note that as far as can be determined, that this is the first study to use social semiotics, as either a theoretical framework or a research method. The key limitation of the study is that, it only focuses on three purposely sampled A.N.C. election campaign television advertisements, and does not include the political television advertisements of opposition political parties, such as the Democratic Alliance. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

Le phénomène des télévisions satellitaires a fait son apparition dans le monde arabe en 1990-1991. Date de l’instauration du Nouvel Ordre Mondial. Une progression foisonnante s’est produite, par la suite, profitant d’un espace géolinguistique étendu, d’une ouverture sans précédent et d’un financement généreux. Sont-elles l’expression d’un changement ou bien celle d’une adaptation ? Et au service de qui ? L’étude des chaines d’information en continu Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya ou « flexibles », Abou Dhabi et Al Manar est particulièrement intéressante pour répondre à cette question. Comprendre le fond de ce phénomène, les intérêts qu’il représente, qu’il sert, et les limites du changement qu’il est capable de produire, exige de dresser un état des lieux panoramique, une étude de la géopolitique qui a donné lieu à la naissance de ces télévisions, et qui a dicté les évolutions qu’elles ont subit. L’analyse du contenu et du discours vient repérer les expressions d’une culture démocratique, ou anti démocratique, dont dépend la nature du changement / Since 1990-1991, the number of satellite channels and viewers has grown exponentially in the Arab world, taking advantage of a geolinguistic space that afforded unprecedented degree of openness in a field previously dominated by t ightly-controlled state-owned television stations. The date also coincides with the inception of the New World Order, the waging of the first Gulf War which established a new regional order, and the stirrings of the society of communication. This study of news channels (Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya) and “flexible” channels such as (Abu Dhabi and Al Manar), aims to examine whether they are an expression of change or adaption and whether they serve to perpetuate the status quo of the powers that fund them.