Diss.--Leipzig. / Contains bibliographies.

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It was the actions of the Congress Alliance that dominated the political activity of the dominated classes in the 1950s. Mobilising across class and colour lines, the actions of the Congress Alliance had witnessed a growing unity between the leading political organisations of the Indian, African and Coloured dominated classes. However just as quickly as it appeared, the Congress Alliance disappeared from the poitical scene, crushed by the state's repressive apparatus. The state, in order to ensure that the extra-parliamentary opposition characteristic of the 1950s did not once again re-emerge, sought to divide the dominated classes more systematically along ethnic and racial lines by creating mechanisms for the implementation of the policy of separate development. It is within this context that the Promotion of Bantu-Self-Government Act of 1959 was passed and the Coloured Persons' Representative Council (CRC) and the ' South African Indian Council (SAIC) were established. Whilst the history of Indian political organisations in the pre-1960 period has been extensively researched, no in-depth study of the SAIC has been made. Probably the main reason for this area being under-researched, has been the inability of researchers to gain access to information on the SAlC, especially of the period covering the early years of the organisation’ s existence. This study aims to fill this vacuum by utilizing in the main previously unused minutes of the SAlC from 1964 to 1977 together with numerous documents and memoranda presented to the South African government by SAlC delegations in the aforementioned period.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Andrew Orr / The history of Italy during World War I has often been characterized by the eleven bloody and inconsequential battles on the Isonzo River from 1915 to 1917. The twelfth battle, Caporetto, was one of the most lopsided defeats of the war. The subsequent development of an inter-Allied Supreme War Council has often been portrayed as a British and French creation with little Italian input. However, the defeat at Caporetto actually signified the rapid escalation of Italy’s influence among her Allies. Combined with American tentativeness and Russian collapse, the winter of 1917-1918 offered key Italian leaders the opportunity to manipulate debates on Allied strategy. Ultimately, the Italians could not keep true to the promises they made during a succession of inter-Allied conferences. This failure led to indecision by Italian leaders during the critical campaigns of 1918 and disillusionment in Italy itself during the post-war era.

The widespread use of modern media of mass communication, the growth of the profession of social work and the direct impact of voluntary and government welfare programs on individual and family life have made the ordinary citizen aware of the existence of health and welfare services in his community. This awareness, however, is often generalized and may not prove sufficient to enable a person, at the point of human need, to communicate with that agency best fitted to serve him. To overcome these barriers in communication and to provide a continuing demonstration of the existence of and the co-operation between social agencies, governmental and voluntary, many communities have developed central information and referral services. This study seeks first to trace the development of central information services on the North American continent and in Great Britain. The process of community organizations leading to the inauguration of a "Community Information Service" in Vancouver, British Columbia, is described and evaluated, as is the pattern of administration and practice in the Vancouver Information-referral office during the first year of operation on an experimental basis. To evaluate the role of the Community Information Service, Vancouver, a compilation of inquiries according to source, nature and disposal during an eight month period is presented and analysed. The program of the Community Information Service is studied against six developed criteria. From this basis and from the replies received from eight organizations in response to a questionnaire, reasons for and against the continuation of the service beyond the agreed period of experimentation are presented and equated. Some modifications and simplification of agency structure may be anticipated. Schools of Social Work may lay greater emphasis on generalized preparation for practice. These factors may minimize the need for referral between agencies and with it the need for central referral services. But until the movements described above become more visible, the ordinary man living in a metropolitan area may still benefit from the existence of central information-referral offices. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

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This research aims to examine the securitization of migration in the Council of the European union by answering the question “Why did a securitization of migration wave in 2015 occur in the political debate within the Council of the European union?”. The research focuses on the Justice and Home Affairs Council (JHA) and the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC). This is done by a discourse analysis of relevant Council documents, whereas the securitization theory is used as an explanatory tool. The results of the study show that a securitization of migration occurred due to the discourse 1) connecting migration to terrorism, 2) producing the image of a crisis taking place, 3) mobilizing institutions to act upon these notions, and 4) overlooking migrants’ security through power relation mechanisms detected in the discourse.

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In 1988, Canada enshrined multiculturalism into law, a democratizing manoeuver that allowed practitioners of non-Western and non-classical forms of music to agitate for equitable access to public arts funding. This agitation ultimately forced government-funded Canadian arts councils to re-examine their Eurocentric granting programs and to expand the parameters by which they fund music. Today’s arts council peer assessors must now assess applications covering a broad range of musical genres and differing aesthetic values, and must incorporate into their evaluations the councils' sociopolitical priorities emphasizing diversity and inclusivity. Yet, few assessors understand why and how identity politics informs the contemporary music-making of ethnocultural minorities and how collectively held stereotypes influence Canadians’ expectation for ethnocultural representation. In this thesis, I endeavour to separate the historical, sociopolitical and philosophical threads that have contributed to the current musical environment in Canada. I begin by examining the parallel histories of funding for high culture—which led to public arts funding—and early celebrations of multiculturalism. I then examine liberal democratic philosophy and how it fostered the “politics of difference” that characterizes Canadian multiculturalism. Although liberal democracy holds that each citizen be recognized as equal and have equality of opportunity to nurture his or her individual, authentic self, Canadians have historically treated ethnocultural minorities unequally, resulting in the latter pursuing politics of difference based upon collective characteristics. Collective difference politics, though, are prone to stereotype. In the Canadian music world these stereotypes are manifest in external desires for authentic ethnocultural representation, which can overshadow a minority musician’s ability to cultivate a unique musical voice. I devote the second part of my thesis to examining the effects of equity initiatives on Canadian arts councils. Based upon interviews with music and equity officers from the Canada Council, the Ontario Arts Council and the Toronto Arts Council, I show how the dichotomy between collective and individual authenticities results in unequal modes of assessment that perpetuate both ethnocultural stereotypes and Western classical music’s monopoly over funding, limiting our definitions of Canadian music.